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date (1845-06-03) topic_Emancipation_Abolitionist newspaper_issue 




VOLUME I. 



Devoted to limmal Liberty; Gradual Emancipation in Kentucky! Literature; Asricnlture: the Elevation of Labor. Morally and Politically; Commercial Intellisenee, \ r . kc. 

LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY, TUESDAY, JUNE 3, 1845. 



NUMBER 1. 



printed a n d r i; b i. i • if e o weekly, by | indulged bv any rational mau and yet the 
H ILLMiH L. IV EA L.E, j Tribune, contends for the “ absolute Liberty 

Ou North Mill-street, three doors abote the cor- of the Press,” and consequently freedom 
ner, at Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per an- f rom a || responsibility, or it would not 
imm. in advance, or Three Dollars it not paid , . . ‘ - . . . . .. 

imm, m , i complain of the events to which tt refers in 

within three month*. 1 ...... . 

OJ-i'ir.- epic will Ik- funnelled to a club for | '• «“ manner in wlneh it tines. Hirthcr, at 
Ten Dollars, or Ten copies for Twenty Dollurs. Judge Story, continues, “It is plain then, 
Hj' S ubscriptions out of Kentucky payable inrun- that the language of this amendment imports 



ably in advance. 

advertising. 

Oiic square, or lesn, three insertions, $1 50 
For each subsequent insertion, - - - - 

One square, throe months, j 00 

One squarr, six months, ------- 7 00 

One square, twelve months, ----- 1J 00 

The very largo and increasing circulation n 
the True American, iu this and other States, wil 
render it abetter advertising medium than an; 
paper in the city. 



LOVE'S REPLY. 

BY FRANCIS 8. OSGOOIK 

1*11 tell you something chanced to me, 

(A quaint and simple story), 
brforo I crossed, with beating heart, 

Old ocean’s gloom and glory. 

Around me came three graceful girls, 

Their farewell whisper breathing — 

Julie — with light and lovely curls, 

Her snowy shoulders Wreathing; 

And proud Georgyne — with stately mein, 

And glance of calm lialcur, 

Who moves — a Grace, — and looks — a queen, 
All passionless and pure; 

And Kutc, whose low, melodious tone 
Is tuned bv Truth and Feeling, 

Whose shy yet wistful eyes talk on. 

When fear her lips is sealing. 

44 From what far country, ♦hall I write?” 

I asked with pride elated, 

“ From what rare monument of art 
Shall be my letters dated?” 

Julie tossed back her locks of light, 

With girlish grace and glee, 

44 To me from glorious Venice write, 

Queen city of tin* Sea!” 

“ And thou, Gcorgiue?” Her dark eyes flashci 
“ Ah! dale to me your line*, 

From some proud palace, where the pomp 
Of olden Honor shines!” 

But Kati — the darling of my soul, 

My bright, yet bashful flower. 

In whose dear* heart some new, pure leaf, 

' Seems to unfold each hour — 

Kate turned her shy, sweet looks from mine, 
Lest I her blush should see. 

And said — so only Love could hear — 

" Write from your heart to me/” 



From the Observer &. Reporter. 

the freedom of the press. 

\ was forcibly struck with the extrava- 
gant radicalism of the following strictures 
of the New York Tribune in relation to 
the freedom of the press , and as I consider 
clear ideas in regard to it of great impor- 
tance at the present time, I cannot forego 
this opportunity to give my views to the 
public. The Tribune says: 

“ Liberty is a brave word, and the absolute 
Liberty of’ the Press in our Country is the theme 
of interminable exultation. Hut how is the Press 
free here? From legal fetters, of course, saw 
such as flagrant Judicial misconstructions of the 
Law of Libel may have fastened upon it. No 
censor is known to our laws, appointed to seiz 
and sequestrate every number of a journal which 
shall venture to express sentiments displeasing to 
the powers that be. Hut have we not our Demo- 
cratic censorships, differing in fashion, but no whit 
in spirit, from tin* Autocrat's 7 Have we not seen 
the Mails rifled and a portion of their contents 
burned in an eminent Southern City on the pre- 
text that their contents were “ incendiary ! ” Did 
not the whole community applaud or acquiesce in 
that outrage? Have we not seen several presses 
destroyed on the strength of a suspicion that they 
were to be employed in disseminating ** incendiary” 
doctrines, (tins’ is a touch beyond the Czar A and 
in one instance, the owner killed in attempting to 
defend his property? In short, is it not a part of 
the unwritten Common Law of the Country , es- 
tablished and enforced by ever so many riots, 
mobs, and rowdy disturbances of public meetings, 
that proclaiming unpopular scntiniont* is n grave 
offence aguiust the majesty of the People, which 
the offender may be called to expiate by any pen- 
alty which a c usual gathering of the Sovereigns 
{nay see lit to inflict?” 

This paragraph needs no learned com- 
mentary that its precise meaning and full 
import may be understood. It contains no 
Oblique and scarcely intelligible allusion — 
no attempt to mystify what it might lx? rash 
and immodest fully and frankly to avow. 

41 Liberty is a brave word,” we admit, and 
one, too, that is often misunderstood, — fre- 
quently misapplied, and sometimes made to 
disguise and conceal deeply laid schemes 
against the “unalienable and imprescripti- 
ble rights of man.” The “ubsolutc Liberty 
of the Press” is a phrase that cannot be 
misinterpreted, especially when we observe 
the manner in which it has been illustrated 
by the Tribune , although it has not bad the 
boldness to define or explain it. Taken in 
connexion with the facts referred to in 
iljustia'ion of the violation of the Liberty 
of the Press, it is plain to be seen that it 
stands up for the unrestrained licentious- 
ness of journalism, and by plain implication 
contends (hat it should be free beyond the 
legitimate boundaries of what we consider 
endurable license. That this is no exag- 
geration, is proved by the howl of dissatis- 
faction set tip because the South has refused 
to suffer the most incendiary publications to 
be thus scattered through its mixed popula- 
tion; — because the people of several cities 
have destroyed presses which were design- 
ed to foment domestic insurrection, and 
liccause an infuriated fanatic unfortunately 
lost his life in attempting to set at defiance 
the deliberately formed and openly an- 
nounced decrees of public opinion. Thus 
it is easv to understand what the Tribune 
means by the “absolute Liberty of the 
Press.” It is the privilege of outraging 
the feelings and condemning the settled 
sentiments of a community with perfect 
impunity. Now, our Constitution doe3 not 
teach, nor do our people approve of any 
such notions of the Liberty of the Press. 
We arc not only jealous of, but would resist 
any other restriction than that imposed by 
a well regulated and established public 
opinion; and greater freedom than this can 
not be desired or submitted to by any one 
who observes order and respects the law. 

In the Constitution, as it was originally 
adopted, not a syllable is to be found in re- 
lation to the Liberty of the Press; nor was 
it necessary that it should have declared 
“the Liberty of the Press shall be inviola- 
bly preserved.” In the 84th number of 
the Federalist it is a iked: — “What is the 
Liberty of the Press? Who can give it 
auy definition which would not leave the 
Utmost latitude for evasion? I hold it to be 
impracticable; and from this 1 infer, that 
its security, whatever fine declarations may 
be inserted in any constitution respecting 
it, must altogether demand on public opinion. 
and on the general spirit of the people and 
of the government.” 

The silence, however, of -the Constitu- 
tion in relation to the press was not satis- 
factory, and therefore, in an amendment, it 
* was declared that “Congress shall make no 
law abridging the freedom of speech or of 
the press.” Judge story, in his commentary 
on this clause says — “That this amend- 
ment was intended to secure to every citi- 
zen an absolute right to speax, or write, 
or print, whatever he might please, with- 
out any responsibility, public or private, 
therefore, v  a supposition too wild to be 



no more, than that every man shall have a 
right to speak, write or print his opinions 
upon any subject whatsoever, so always 
that ho docs not injure any other person in 
his rights, person, property, or reputation; 
and so always, that he docs not thereby dis- 
turb the public peace, or attempt to subvert 
the government.” And Chancellor Kent, 
upon a large survey of the whole subject, 
has not scrupled to declare, that “it has be- 
come a constitutional principle in this 
country, that every citizen inav freely 
speak, write, and publish his sentiments on 
all subjects, being responsible for the abuse 
of that right; and, that no law can right- 
fully be passed, to restrain, or to abridge 
the freedom of the press.” 

The Press, therefore, being subject to no 
legislative restraints, it is so much the more 
important that it should be held to a strict 
accountability to public opinion, for as 
Justice Black stone remarks: — “So true will 
it be found, that to censure the licentious- 
ness, is to maintain the liberty of the press.” 
The press is licentious. Whenever it is 
called on to redeem its responsibility, or, in 
other words, whenever it becomes obnox- 
ious to public aversion, whatever may bo 
the private sentiments or views of an indi- 
vidual, if they are offensive to a whole 
community, the press becomes licentious if 
it suffers them to be obtruded upon the 
public. It has no right wantonly to assail 
the person or reputation of an individual — 
to injure or destroy his property — to “dis- 
turb the public peace or attempt to subvert 
the government.” When it does any of 
these or similar things, it becomes licen- 
tious — it deserves censure, and should be 
punished by public opinion and popular 
action too, if necessary. Now every one 
of the acts which the Tribune regards as so 
many violations of the “absolute liberty of 
press,” a kind of liberty, we must say, un- 
known to the Constitution, had for their 
object the suppression of attempts to “dis- 
turb the public pcarc,” to injure property 
and reputation and ultimately to shed blood. 
Such were the mad schemes of social an- 
archy and civil commotions that were 
crushed by “the riots, mobs and rowdy 
disturbances” of which the Tribune com- 
plains, and which were rendered necessary 
only because a few reckless and frantic 
zealots who, instead of listening to the grave 
admonitions of prudence — the sober injunc- 
tions of reason, dared to brave and out- 
rage public opinion. It is as the Tribune 
says, and we rejoice at it, “a part of the 
unwritten Common Law of the Country, 
that, proclaiming unpopular (incendiary) 
sentiments is a grave offence against the 
majesty of the People, which the offender 
may be called to expiate” in such^a way as 
they may think fit. But for the existence 
of this reserved right, the fields and villa- 
ges of this blessed land would long since 
have been consumed in fiamc3 and deluged 
with indiscriminate slaughter. 

For the prevention and punishment of 
certain offences, laws are provided, and 
when their penalties arc visited upon those 
who have violated them, no one complains. 
The press is a powerful instrument for both 
good and evil, and the Constitution has 
provided that Congress shall make no law 
abridging the freedom of the press, that 
evils may be prevented, and not that evils 
may le multiplied and aggravated. Should 
it be used wantonly, and to the injury of 
society, both Story and Kent tell us that it 
is to be held responsible. Responsible to 
what? Not to the law. for the law is denied 
all interference with the subject. Then it 
is to public opinion ; and when this is known, 
what right, we ask. have those to complain 
who are rebuked and perhaps punished, for 
daring to outrage the established public 
opinion of any community? No more Than 
the wretch who languishes in the Peniten- 
tiary or perishes upon the gibbet for the 
crimes he has commited. \\ ere the “ abso- 
lute liberty of the prcs3,” for which the 
Tribune contends, once admitted, it would 
prove an infinitely greater curse than it 
has ever been a blessing, and we regret to 
sec.so revolutionary a doctrine sanctioned 
and propagated by so eminent an authority. 

That complaint should be made, that in 
the United Slates abundant latitude is not 
allowed to flic press, is very surprising. 
It is fettered by no law — it feels no restric- 
tion other than that exerted against it by a 
most liberal, enlightened, indulgent and 
forbearing public opinion. It lias, in all 
conscience, “ample room and vergo enough” 
for every useful am,! valuable purpose. It 
is permitted every license that does not aim 
to degrade the course of private and in- 
terrupt the order of public life, and when 
it is held responsible to public opinion, it is 
not subjected to conditions more grievous 
than any other pursuits. Out of the sphere 
of legal — all the concerns of society — all 
the sayings and doings of men arc subject- 
ed to the control of unwritten popular 
enactments. They exact the observance 
of the proprieties of life — they regulate 
social communion — they soften, refine and 
ameliorate the intercourse of society. — 
Unawed and uninfluenced by the authority 
they should exert over the conduct of men, 
society would soon be converted into a 
hideous imbroglio of vice, disease and 
voluptuousness — it would soon present one 
shocking and disgusting spectacle of dis- 
order, folly, ferocity and factious violence. 
Within their legitimate sphere of action, 
the peace, happiness and respectability of 
society much more depends upon the strict 
enforcement of the decrees of a properly 
adjusted public opinion, than upon the uni- 
form infliction of the penalties of the law. 
Indeed society owes its very existence to the 
agency of those who can be influenced, if 
not controlled by public opinion, and not to 
those who, upon slight temptations, are 
induced to commit violations of the law. 

As mankind in general are under the 
strongest obligations to observe other than 
legislative enactments, why should those 
who engage in journalism be allowed a 
larger liberty, or enjoy a more perfect ex- 
emption from such restraints? No good or 
satisfactory reason can be given, while it 
is quite apparent that they should he held 
to a more rigid accountability to public 
opinion thau any other pursuit not amena- 
ble to the law. This because of its great 
power to* do evil. It hai been left without 
legal restraint to do good and to prevent 
evil, and therefore, when it take • advantage 
of its freedom to assault the feelings of 
society, it should be censured if not pun- 
ished. 

So anxious for the peace and prosperity 
of the community are th* people of Ma i- 



chusetta, that they have attempted to en- 
force temperance by legislative enactments, 
ami every State in the Union has, for 
similar reasons, passed laws for the sup- 
pression of gambling, and shall we be told 
that the “absolute liberty of the press” 
is denied, when we refuse to suffer the 
press to be used for the purpose of inflaming 
the minds of a part of our population into 
such a state of desperate exasperation as 
shall endanger every interest dear and 
sacred? It is “a part of the unwritten 
common law of the country,” that respect 
shall bepaidto public. op in ion, and, although 
we are opposed to seeing its decrees enforc- 
ed by “riots, mobs, ami-rowdy disturbances 
of public meetings,” we would rather that 
the peace and order of society should be 
interrupted by such outbreaks than that its 
established and canonized modes of think- 
ing ami acting should be treated with con- 
temptuous indignity by every fanatic or 
fool who may fancy he has been specially 
sent to reform mankind, by summarily 
eradicating ull that is ancient in habit and 
custom, and subverting all that is venerable. 

JUNIUS. 

From the Natiouul Intelligencer. 

T q THE EDITORS. 

(ji£NTLEM£*; — A writer in your paper of 



support themselves. Suppose the land is 
worth twenty dollars per acre, and that the 
horses or cattle, together with the agricul- 
tural utensils, arc worth one thousand dol- 
lars; also, that the food and clothing of each 
slave is worth fifty dollars per annum, and 
the provender of the horses or mules may 
be worth two hundred more. Let the slaves 
lx* valued at six hundred dollars each. To 
cultivate one hundred acres of land in cot- 
ion, then, with slave labor, a man must 
posses six thousand dollars to buy the slaves 
two thousand to buy the land, and one thou- 
sand seven hundred to buy the cattle and 
agricultural implements, and the food and 
clothing and provender to keep them in 
motion. That is to soy, he must have a 
capital of nine thousand seven hundred dol- 
lars to produce one hundred bales of cotton. 

To make the same product with free la- 
bor it is only necessary to possess the land, 
the cattle, the implements, and food and 
provender for the men and cattle. The 
wages of agricultural labor arc never paid 
until the end of the year, and for the obvi- 
ous reason that the fruit r, f such labor can- 
not be sooner realized. Ten freemen could 
therefore be employed with qo other ready 
capital thau what would bo necessary to 
feed them. They must clothe themselves 
out of the wages of the preceding year, or 



Tuesday expresses his surprise at what lie draw upon those of the present which arc 
terms the “anomalous increase of popula- ] undue, and consequently the employer 
tion” in the States of Virginia and the 
Carolinas, which he 13 unable to reconcile 



with the ratio of increase in the other 
States. Having since the publication of 
the census of 1840, given the subject much 
consideration, and come to what appears to 
me a satisfactory solution of the problem, 



would only be compelled to advance them 
their food. The food of a freeman will 



not exceed 'the value of the food and cloth- 
ing of a slave; so that in every respect the 
ready capital necessary in the employment 
of the two sorts of labor is equal, except 
the value of the slaves, which is conse- 



I beg leave to submit it to your readers. — ! quontly an unnecessary and unproductive 
His difficulty is this: from 1820 to 1830 investment. 



the ratio of the increase of population in 
the above named States was 13 to 15 per 
cent., while in the next decennial period, 
from 1830 to 1840, the ratio dwindles to 
a fraction over two per cent. In the other 



It must not be supposed that I maintain 
that the employer of free labor in the case 
supposed will clear as much as he who em- 
ploys slave labor: for such is not the case. 
The employer of free labor is under the 



States where a diminution of the ratio is . necessity of paying out a large share of 
perceptible, it has taken place by regular | the proceeds of his crop as wages to the la- 
gradations. Your correspondent calls this j borer; but the product is made, and society 
an anomaly; and, without expressing any , is enriched by it just as mucl^ as if he kept 
doubt as to the correctness of the census. ’ the wages of the laborer to himself. On 
he wishes to see the fact accounted for, and j the other hand the employer of slave labor 
reconciled with probability. | pockets the whole proceeds of the hundred 

I attribute the sudden stoppage in the in- \ bales ami has no wages to pay; but society 
crease of population in Virginia and the is none the richer for that, and the product 
Carolinas to the existence of slavery, which is no more than in the oilier case. It is 
is incompatible with density, where there clear, therefore, that three thousand seven 
is room for emigration. The ultimate point hundred dollars with free labor vr\W produce 
at which the increase of population in the as much as nine thousand seven hundred 
slave States must stop, so long as a fertile j with the use of slaves; and hence it follows 
territory lies beyond, is that at which all , that slavery only serves, in the language 
the tobacco and cotton or sugar lands have . of the economist, to distribute wealth, not 
been brought under cultivation. If there i Xo produce it. 

is any increase beyond this point, it will be I have supposed that the labor of men 
of the white population, as is the case in : alone is employed for convenience; but it 
the mountain regions of the Slates to which it is evident that the principle is the same, 
I have referred. In Virginia there was a 1 without reference to the sex or age of the 
material diminution of the population east laborer. 

of the Blue Ridge, between 1830 and 1840, It would be easy to extend this illustra- 
while there was an aggregate increase in • tion to the whole cotton crop of the coun- 
the State. The increase belongs to the try, which yearly averages about two mil- 
white population west of the mountains. I lions of bales. It that crop were entirely 
But why, your corrospondeut will ask, 'cultivated by men slaves, worth, as above 
should this peculiarity attend the institution j supposed, six hundred dollars each, their 
of slavery? Why should population cease ' number, upon the above supposition as to 
to ^ncreaso after all the good lands are oc- j lb*? quantity per hand, would be two hund- 
tupiod and cultivated? I answer, first, be- 1 fed thousand, and their value one hundred 
catlse llierfc never can be but one grraf in- ! Hl *d twenty .miihona -f- dollars. The vaf- 
tcrest, the agricultural, in a State or dis- ue of the land and other items, upon the 
trict where a half or more of the popula- above suppositions, would be seventy-six 
tion arc held in slavery; and consequently, millions. To produce the cotton crop of 
after all the lands which can be profitably I the country then with slave labor, requires 
cultivated arc cut down, the increase of the a capital of one hundred and ninety-six mil- 
slave population beyond that point will be- j lions ol dollars: with free labor, seventy- 
come a burden to the soil. If, as is at pres- millions would suffice, 
ent the case, there exists abundant unoccu- 1 H is tbo accumulation of the bulk of 
pied land 3 in the new States, the excess of Southern capital in this unproductive shape 
slave labor in the old will of course be | which precludes any permanent prosperi- 
taken to them; but if no such outlet exist- ty. It is the characteristic of the Southern 
ed, the slaves would rapidly decline in val- States to be settled ripidly, conic to a sud- 
ue. den maturity, and then decline. Already 

Any onq who has travelled through the has old age overtaken Virginia and the 
Southern States must have been struck with j Carolinas, while Alabama and Mississippi 
the dearth of towns and villages, rif trades have nearly reached the point at which 
and tradesmen, and must have seen that their people and their accumulated wealth 
there is in fact but one interest, the ngricul- will begin to migrate further W est. It is 
tural. There is no room for mechanics, probable that up to the period of the next 
because there is no class to support them, census their population will continue rapid- 
The mass are slaves, and slaves have few ly to increase; but, after that time, 1 shall 
wants. In the free States, while the me- expect to witness the same stagnation in 
chanics find employment in the wants of i those States which is now so palpable in the 
all classes, they in turn furnish a market 1 Atlantic States. It is on this principle, 



which I have attempted to illustrate above, 
that I anticipate a considerable falling off 
from Mr. Ellsworth’s calculation of the 
increase of population in Georgia, though 
Georgia is a large State, and her population 
has not reached the density which exists 
in the Carolinas and Virginia. 

If I had not already extended my remarks 
too far, 1 would undertake to show the rea- 
son why agricultural improvement is im- 
practicable in the slave regions— -that the 
tendency is to deteriorate the lands instead 
of improving them, and that this retrograde 
motion is not chargeable to the indolence 
of the people, as fs generally supposed, but 
that it is an inevitable attendant of slavery. 
I am, respectfully, , 

A CAROLINIAN. 

From th? Kentucky Gazette. 

Lexington, April 14, 1845. 
Robert Wickliffe, Esq.: 

Dear Sir: — You were, at a meeting 
of the Fayette County .Democratic Asso- 
ciation. this day, nominated as a candi- 
date to represent said county in the Senate 
of Kentucky, at the next August election. 
Your acceptance of the said nomination as 
early as convenient, would be gratifying 
to the members # of the Association, and to 
none more than to Your friends, 
WALLER BULLOCK. J 
HENRY C. PAYNE,   Committee. 

, DAN’L BRADFORD. S 

Lexington, April 20, 1B45I 
Gentlemen: — On my return home, lust 
evening. I found your letter of the 14lh 
inst., notifying me that at o meeting of the 
Democratic Association of the county of 
Fayette, held on that day, I had been nomi- 
nated as a candidate to represent said coun- 
ty in the Senate of Kentucky, and that niv 
acceptance of the nomination as early 
as convenient would be gratifying to the 
members of the Association, &c. 

I feci ^cry grateful to the honorable As- 
sociation of which you are the organ, for 
the flattering evidence which they have 
given me of their confidence and friend- 
•ship,«end dftl 1 feel that I had physical 
strength to discharge the duties that would 
devolve onsme were I to accept the nomina- 
tion, I would not hesitate to accept, and ap- 
ply my beat energtef to arrest the ruin cf 
the credit of the Slate, and to relieve the 
vate ten acres in cotton, besides earn enough | people* from the oppressions and dangers 
to support himself and horse; perhaps this to which the errors of their rulers have 
estimate is high, but that is immaterial ol - . exposed them. But time and ill-health ren- 
so. Ten men, then, will cultivate an hun- ; der such an attempt by me unavailing; and 
tired, acres in cotton, and produce One hun I trust that the county will be found to poj- 
d red bale?, beride making gram, &c., to ' •:e r ” talent and patriotism among tho ~ 



to the agriculturist. Thus every augmen- 
tation of one class gives Occupation and 
support to the increasing numbers of the 
other; and society goes on accumulating in 
wealth and numbers to an indefinite extent. 
But in the slave States there are no trades- 
men, because there is no employment for 
them; and on the other hand, the planters 
have no market for the common products 
of the soil, as breadstuff* and the like, be- 
cause there is but the one class iu society; 
that is to say, themselves. Feeding slaves 
can give no encouragement to agriculture, 
unless they are bred for market; because if 
there existed no demand for their labor at 
home or abroad, the mere cultivation, of the 
soil for the sake of supplying their wants 
could profit the land proprietor nothing. — 
It is otherwise with free labor: the free la- 
borer and bis family pay for what they 
eat; and their wants as properly constitute 
a market for the products of the soil an do 
those of the merchant or physician. The 
very little encouragement which agricul- 
ture receives in Virginia and the Carolinas 
from the mere feeding of slaves which are 
exported, may benefit individuals, but it 
cannot enrich or people the country, in the 
nature of things. So far us those States 
are engaged in rearing slaves for the 
Southern market, it is, I believe, without 
au exception an unpremeditated thing on 
the part of individuals. The export of 
slaves results from the accumulation above 
the demand, and no one individual has un- 
dertaken the business of “slave breeding” 
by premeditation ami as an occupation. — 
When the slaves are removed to the South- 
west they arc usually accompanied by their 
masters; and thus the State loses its citi- 
zens and their accumulated wealth at the 
same time. 

But there is another impediment to the 
accumulation of wealth and population in 
the slave States much greater than the one 
to which 1 have adverted to above. Capi- 
tal invested in slave properly is unproduc- 
tive. Slavery serves to appropriate wealth 
not to produce it. I will briefly illustrate 
this proposition. In the cotton-planting 
States it is generally estimated that an acre 
of good land will yield in a favorable sea- 
son a bale of five hundred pounds of pick- 
led cotton. But for the purpose of my il- 
lustration the quantity is immaterial. It" 
also estimated that a nqgro man. will cult 



whom years and disease have not disqualifi 
ed to undertake and press on the work of 
reform, until the masses of error which 
have brought the solvency of the State to 
the brink of ruin are removed : and the par- 
ty that has brought them into existence is 
made to yield up the power which it has 
so much abused. To prevent an increase 
of the debt which the party in power have 
accumulated upon the country until the 
spirit as well as the ability of the people is 
broken down, and repudiation of the State 
debt ensues, the people must reform the 
whigs out of power. Indeed, to stop 
the work of abolition, incendiarism, ser- 
vile murders and bloodshed, such reform is 
demanded; and if not effected, and that 
speedily, the county of Fayette, my neigh- 
bors and old constituents, are doomed to 
feel the severest evils. Yes, the county of 
Fayette, with her ten thousand slaves, is 
near a crisis, and must change her rulers, 
or take all the ills which are being brought 
upon her by the amalgamation of whigery 
and abolitionism; for they may rely on it 
that if they refuse light from every other 
source, the torches of the incendiary will 
continue to give them the horrid glure of 
their factories and dwellings. 

The freemen of Fayette still have it iu 
their power to protect their property, and 
to save their country from the repudiation 
of its debt; but whether they will have it 
much longer to do so, requires wiser heads 
than mine to determine. Is it not amazing 
that a people so wise, so moral, so intelli- 
gent as the people of Fayette, should con- 
tinue to uphold a party that has in a few 
years squandered away the public lands, 
the public stocks, and resources of the 
country? A party that has nearly trebled 
the taxes, and during its reign, ufter squan- 
dering all the funds that the State possess- 
ed, has saddled her with a debt of nearly 
seven millions of dollars, and is every day 
in the year plunging her deeper and deeper 
in debt? A party after thus plunging the 
State in debt, has formed an alliance with 
the abolitionists in a war against the rights 
of property, and to effect the destruction of 
slave labor, and to deprive the slave owners 
of seventy millions of dollurs worth of 
slave property, arc adding to their masked 
presses, an open and avowed abolition press 
in the city of Lexington. 

A few months more, and the people are 
assured that in Lexington an abolition pa- 
per is to be started, when the cause of abo- 
litionism will be openly advocated; and if 
the people bear that, then the slaveholders 
of Fayette may expect every leading whig 
organ in the State, to openly demand the 



serve them as a legislator, that I shall, 
while life lasts, resist to the utmost of my 
ability, the encroachments made and ma- 
king by the leaguers of whigery and abo- 
litionism on the rights of persons and 
property in this State and throughout the 
Union. 

Hoping that a choice will be made of 
some one more able to encounter, in tji ? 
Senate, the misrule of the country than I 
am, permit me, through you, to tender to 
the Democratic Association my thanks for 
the honor they have done me, in offering 
me the nomination, and to assure you, that 
I am duly sensible of my obligations, for 
the very kind manner in which you have 
been pleased to communicate to me the 
wishes of the Association. 

Vcrv resist fully, 

ROBERT WICKLIFFE, Sr. 

Messrs. AVnller Bullock, Daniel Brad- 
ford and Henry C. Payne, Committee. 

From the Kentucky Gazelle. 

Mr. Cunningham: — The waters arc being troub- 
led, and if the sober, dispassionate sense of the 
country docs not come , and that speedily, to the 
rescue, wc shall have an iutcstinc commotion rais- 
ed that will break up the foundations of nocmIy, 
and briug the State under liio dominion of Tin: 
wildest, maddest and most destructive fanaticism 
that ever unsettled the mind of man. We allude 
to th * institution of slavery; for it is useless to dis- 
guise the alarmiug fact, that preparations arc now 
being formally made to briug it into the arena of 
political controversy. Eastern papers arc filled 
with extracts of letters from their correspondents 
in Kentucky, in which wc are informed that anti- 
slavery feelings arc common in this State, and 
that the anti-slavery principle is making great pro- 

f resu. Now this, sir, was news to me; foralthpugh 
knew of a few individuals who were ambitious to 
disturb this subjoct, as much from personal as phi- 
lanthropic considerations, I did not believe that 
anti-slavery feelings or principles had been per- 
mitted a foothold amongst the great body of the 
people; nordo I believe it yet, although I am con- 
strained to confess, and with much mortification, 
that I havo discovered sentiments too common 
amongst those with whom I have hitherto been 
identified in political action, that I cannot ap- 
prove, and will not encourage or sustain. The 
sentiments to which I refer, and which arc so ob- 
noxious to my aversion, are more common than 
was apprehended, and this, I think, is proved by 
the success which I am told has attciulc-J the effort 
now making to get up a newspaper, with the avow- 
ed object of advocating such views. This, Kir, is 
curious, for bat a very few years have elapsed 
since the suggestion of such a project would havo 
transported this community with rage, and have 
exposed the authors of it to the greatest peril. — 
Now, however, it is regarded, .so far as I can learn 
with perfect indifference, and is mainly, if not ex- 
clusively, encouraged by those who call themselves 
whigs. What can prove a greater revolution in 
public feeling? and what more alarming to those 
who entertain different views on the subject? Can 
it be possible that the Whig party in Kentucky 
thinks of identifying itself with the anti-slavery 
cause? For one, I protest against it: and altho’ 
I have been a strict party man, rather than 



emancipation of their slaves. It is now a purpose i consummated, I would not hesitate. 

„ * ,. , to break asunder every tic that bound ino to that 

more than lour years since 1 discovered parlv 1 



that a union between the whigs of Ken- 
tucky and the abolitionists of the free 
States was designed and inevitable. This 
I did, and ever since have denounced to the 
people of Fayette, and warned them in 
time to protect themselves at the ballot box. 

Have 1 misled them in one single thing? 

Has not every anticipation 1 laid before 
them become fact? And l^ave not the se- 
cret machinations of the emancipators 
come to light? Are not their negroes ab- 
ducted by the emisariesof the abolitionists? 

And arc not their slaves corrupted by the 
open and secret aiders of the abolitionists, protect y 
until tliey we. being ahimiL_yalaelc?!r? — 

Have not rapes, murders and house-burn- 
ings raged until every court almost con- 
signs a Wretched slave to the gallows? — 

And when the fanner lies down, he does 
not know whether he will be aroused by 
the cry of fire in his mansion, or rise to 
find that his slave has been run for Ohio, 
by negro thieves. And while this was, 
and still is the condition of the slaveholders 
of Fayette — while their wives and daugh- 
ters were in utter insecurity, and murders, 
by poison und violence, Were almost com- 
mon occurrences in this Congressional Dis- 
trict, the representative of the people, of 
Fayette, Mr. Garrett Davis, is seen in Con- 
gress, following in the wake of the aboli- 
tionist, John Quincy Adams, in his war 
upon the institution of slavery. The peo- 
ple of Fayette have only to look at the 
journals of last Congress to see, that by 
and through the vote of their representa- 
tive, the twenty-fifth rule of the House of 
Representatives was repealed. That rule 
prohibited the discussion and recording and 
printing of abolition petitions, or the 
speeches of the abolilion advocates, at the 
public expense, and thereby, not only 
saved the country front the expenditures of 
immense sums, but saved it from being 
deluged with emancipation speeches and 
documents; and yet Mr. Davis has assisted 
Mr. Adams to break down this barrier be- 
tween the slave-holder and the abolitionist; 
and now these abolition documents will 
flood the country under the sanction of 
Congress, and be placed in the hands of 
every negro that can read, and every abo- 
litionist that will use them, until they may 
be found in every negrU-house in the coun- 
try — and all this at the cost of the master, 
whose property, and even whose life has 
been put in constant jeopardy by the meas- 
ure. 

Time has been when I cculd meet and 
mingle with the people, and lay before 
them the causes of their oppressions and 
their wrongs, and bring before them, for 
rebuke, the public servants who have 
abused their confidence. But that time 
has passed by, and I am doomed to bear and 
suffer with others,* until the great people, 
made sensible of the source of the evils 
they bear, arc aroused and brought to enter 
into the work of radical reform. 

That this country can and will be saved 
by th»* democratic party, I feel confident. 

, But that party has, I admit, much to en- 
counter. The whigs have all the revenues 
of the State, exceeding four hundred thou- 
sand dollars. They have, with scrrrcely 
an exception, all the revenues of the cities, 
towns and villages, amounting to more than 
a million of dollars. They have all the 
public improvements— -their patronage and 
offices. They have possession of all the 
departments of government, and occupy 7 al- 
most exclusively every office from the 
highest to the lowest. All these vast pow- 
ers and machinery, they have used for 
years, to break down the spirit of liberty 
and democratic principles. 

But the late struggles made by democra- 
cy in the election of President and the 
State Governor, have proven that if libcr- 



y purpose, sir, is not to awaken indignation 
the subject, nor would I countenance or encourage 
any violent or improper means for the purpose of 
counteracting the influence of the 44 True Ameri- 
can for that, I uni told, is to be the name of the 
anti-Rlavcry publication; but 1 would put pro-sla- 
very men on their guard, that they inay not bo ta- 
ken by surpris.-. Now, to those 1 would say, the 
institution of slavery is exposed to great danger;, 
for the number of those who are in favor ol its 
subversion is much greater than is supposed, and 
the danger, consequently, much greater than is 
generally apprehended. To those, therefore who 
are not disposed to encourage the fanatical crussde 
that is now on foot against the institution of slave- 
say, be up and.doing; be, on the alert; 
r riulits, or they will be openly violated 
ami iimrmronleQ before you are aw. ire that any 
measures nave been defmuined on for that purpose. 
Express uneasiness on the subject, and you will 
be told, and by those, too, who arc abolitionisms,, 
that there is no danger. They would lull you into 
u feeling of security, merely for the purpose of 
gaining time to perfect those measures that are to 
ultimate in emancipation, and then, when your 
property is being taken from you, they will laugh 
ut your unapprehensive stupidity. 

The dang r is threatening. Commence, at once, 
decisive action on the subject. Delay is dange- 
rous. Remember that while the Romans were de- 
liberating, Saguntum was taken. Pro-slavery 
men should sink, at least for th** present, national 
polities, and turn exclusive attention to this sub- 
ject. They should organize irrespective of party, 
and determine to sustain no man, Whig or Demo- 
crat, for any office, whose opinions on the subject 
are not fully known. We have the strength, and 
let us embody it at once, for the longi-r we delay, 
the more feeble we shall become. Not, however, 
because our cause is intrinsically weak or indefetv*. 
vible.but because enquiry on. the subject has been 
started, anil those who have be« u in the fiabit of 
thinking the institution secure, will be th - mffr»* 
surprised and alarmed, in proportion to that feed- 
ing of security, at finding the anti-slavery cause 
stronger than was expected, and, therefore, will l»e 
discouraged from making the proper exertion, 
while the luke-warm and indifferent will be in- 
clined to side with tin* party that is growing in 
popularity, as is the case, at present, with aboli- 
fionism Pro-slavery men, be up and doing. Time 
is precious Act at once, and we shall b * abb* !«• 
overwhelm those who arc now zealously lahuring 
to subvert the institution of slavery. 

To you, Mr. Cunningham. I must say, »u con- 
clusion, that your surprise is great ut receiving this 
communication, informed, as you have been, pri- 
vately. of its source, and therefore, perhaps, I 
should assign my reasons for addressing it to you 
1 have my reasons, but I hope you will he content 
to be informed of them at some future period, ns 
perhaps it would not be proper to make mem pub- 
lic at present. A WHIG. 

From the London Literary Gazette. 

FACTORY CHILDREN 
Hear ve, who kindly pity feel, 
riir factory children's loud appeal! 

With pallid cheek and sunken eve, 
Overwearied, still their task they ply 
Ah, sad! o’er childhood’s opening flower 
The tempest -clouds sp early lower, 

And cast the blight of toil und gloom 
Where joy and hope should gaily bloom 
The rosy morn, with dewy wings. 

For them renewed exertions brings; 

The shade of evening finds them still 
Fatigued within the tedious mill. 

Immortal beings, formed to rise 
In thought beyond the spangled skies. 

They’re doomed to toil the livelong day— 
Then sink in premature decay. 

When, bursting from the mortal clay, 

Th’ undying spirits pass away. 

Oh! let them not depart unblest, 

By withering ignorance depress’d; 

M’nh souls unclad, with minds untaught, 

(How fearful is the awful thought!) 

To stand before His judgment throne, 

Who was to them a “God unknown.” 

Y e say — the church, the school, invite, 

To guide their youthful ways aright; 

But crushed beneath Oppresrirti’s sway. 

How can tliev Duty’s voice obey ’ 

The weary frames require repose, 

The Sabbath-day alone bestows— 

Oh, chided In* each cold delay, 

Life’s precious streamlet ebbs away! 

The li pity grant, that all may fee! 

Tile factory children’s sad appeal; 

’T is sounded in the Senate’s ear, 

By one whose virtues all revere; 

The champion of the helpless throng. 

The friend of all who suffer wrong^ 

What, though awhile hif efforts fa i.. 



The   



crey must prevail! 



CLINTON 

i iiiic , is one of God’s 
hnnics not done? — 
chambers of the 
ud made 

highways, on which they 
Are not tho demdnts of 
chained tp the crank,* a^R at the 

mpeT 



ty and freedom of thought and opinion .... ^ , llu . w . cM cham t*-r» ..i 

persecuted, that still there arc ticarly one llli .^ lvdt . r p,,„j rx i, ac frd its treasure :uid t 

half of the voters of the couuty, that erti j ih/n.giug lull ■ ■ • - '■■- u 

neither be tnved by power, or sedueeth by , ride as nn a 1 1 
corruption, 16 surrender up the citadel of snd *nt' r J^Uwjtra 

lilerty into the hand) of the enemy, 1,ul 1 ’cir'inir. *«■ ."u- J ' "in: Im.vmIs uf thr earth, anil 

are deterrffined to struggle with their op- made its product, contribute ui their want." Tin 
presjors in favor of their rights and their I durk.d lightning iath-ir plaything, iniil lti'-y r jth' 
country’s treedon, _ 1 ™ 

Of one thing my fellow democrats may j and kj * auJ qu9CnlB „ dco,rawd by their hu,- 
be assured, and that ir . that while age and dy wor k H- who made thsMjjflyc rs? wa? a great 
ill health have deprived in° of the power te‘ mechanic . 



“MIND AMONG THE SPINDLES.” 

A SELECTION FROM “THE LOWELL OFFERING.” 

Moat rtf our readers are, no doubt, aware that ^ 
miscellany, t cftolly composed by the factory girls qf 
Lowell, in Massachusetts, has bocn published 
thut place singe October, 1840,. publication 
arose out of the mootings of an association of youfig 
women, called “ The Mutual Improvement Socie- 
ty.” Two volumes of tins interesting work. 
' v,, rc completed in December, 1842, and, from thq 
contents of these volumes, an English publisher, 
Mr. C Mari es Knight, lias selected tne materials for 
a publication under the title of “ Mind Among the. 
Spindles." Respecting the Lowell Offering, tho 
North American Review says: “ Many of the nr-; 
tides are such as In satisfy the reader at once that 
if he has only taken up the ‘ Offering ’ as a phe- 
nomenon, and. not as what may bear criticism and 
reward perusal, he has but to own his error a ud 
dismiss his condescension as soon aj may be.” Tho 
editor of the volume before us says: “ We mpst 
houcstlv. confess that we looked at the perusal of 
these closely printed eight hundred pagt;# (the, tyvo 
volumes of ‘The Off' ring’) as ftp ruts thing of a 
task. We felt that oil literary productions, and, 
indeed, all works of art, should iu a great degree 
be judged without reference to the. condition of the 
producer. It was a duty to read the ? Lowe) Offcr- 
| Th© day that saw us begin tho first paper 
witness to our continued reading till night 
found vis busy at the last page, not for a duty but 
a real pleasure .” 

Mr. Knight thus states his opinion of the “ Offer- 
ing:” 

“ The qualities which most struck us in the so 
oltimes were chiefly these. First, there is an en- 
tire absence of all pretension in the writers to bo 
hat they are not. They arc factory girls; they 
always coll themselves ‘ girls; ’ they have no affec- 
tation of gentility, and, by a natural consequence, 
they are essentially free from all vulgarity. They 
describe the scenes among which they live, their 
labors, and th ir pleasures; the little follies of 
some of their number, the pure tastes and unex- 
punsive enjoyments of others. They feel and, 
constantly proclaim without an effort, that they 
think it an honor to labor with their hands; they 
recognise the real dignity of all useful employments . 
They know that there is no occupation really un- 
worty of men or women, but the selfish pursuit of 
;it i.s called pleasure, without the desire to pro- 
to lh  good of others by physical, intellectual, 
or moral exertions. Secondly, manv of these pa- 
pers clearly show under what influences theso 
young women have been brought up. An earnest 
feeling of piety pervades their recollections of tho 
past and their hopes for the future. The thoughts 
of home, too, li«» deep in their hearts. Thirdly, 
there is a genuine patriotic in the tone of many 
of thov productions, which is worthy the descend- 
ant* of th** stern freemen, who in the New Eng- 
l solitudes looked tearfully back upon their 
fatherland. Fourthly, like a.l writers of good 
natural taste who have not been perverted into 
mere imitators of other writers, they perceive that 
there i j a great source of interest* in describing 
simply and correctly what they have vyitnessed 
with their own eves Lastly, although there aro 
necessarily in these volumes, as in every miscel- 
lany, some tilings which are tedious and some 
puerile, mock sentimentalities, and labored efforts 
at fine writing, we think it would be difficult upon 
the whole for a large body of contributors, writing 
under great indulgenco, to produce so much mat- 
ter with so little of bad taste. Of pedantry there is 
literally none. The writers arc familiar with good 
models of composition, they know something of 
ancient and modern history; but there is never any 
attempt to parade what they know, and wc se*t 
that they havo been readers only, as wc discover 
the same thing in the best educated persons, not 
i a display of their reading, but in a general tone. 
Inch chows that cultivation has left them wiser 
aud better.” 

All thin is high praise; to which wc add a few 
words from the pen of Mr. Dickens. ,lfe says: 

“ 1 brought away from Lowell four hundred good 
solid pages* ( ffm first volume of the 'Offering,') 
which I have read from beginning to ci^d. Of tho 
merits of the • Lowell Oils ring* as a literary pro- 
duction. 1 will only observe, putting entirely out of 
sight the fact of tho articles having boon written 
by tin* girls after the arduous labors of the day, that 
it will compare cdcunlageously with a great many 
English annuals.’’ 

The publication before us consists of thirty- 
seven articles, the production of twenty- pine iii- 
dividtial contributors. Mr. Knight adds,, in his 
ititroduetjoii to this selection, the following kind 
expression of hi* feelings towards the writers of 
the Lowell Offering: 

“May the love of letters which they enjoy, und 
the power of composition which they huvy attained, 
shod their charms over their domestic lives \vh*-n 
th« ;r days of mill-service arc ended l The qflort* 
which they nave nnido to acquire the practice of 
writing, havo had their own reward. In dwelling 
upon tin- thoughts of others, infixing their uwn 
thoughts upon sum? definite object, they have .lifted 
themselves up into a higher region tljan is attained 
by those, whatever be their rank, whose ipinds arc 
not filled by images of what is natural, and beauti- 
ful, and true.” . 

To the people of the United States this publica- 
tion is an absolute demonstration that the employ- 
ment of human beings m manufacturing establish- 
ments, does not necessarily impair their under- 
standings, de.gradq their moral feelings, dipiiuish 
their p - -ession, or deprive them of the exerejs© of 
any "f t|»e higher powers of their nature. Wp. ad- 
vocate limn «.f the oppressions nor the wrotjgs, 
none of the systems ot long days’ work aud^hort 
wages, none of the abuses which wc arc tqld, ( pre 
par* and parcel o f flu manufacturing systcDUf of 
other countrieV Wc advocate the encouragement 
and the protection of American manufacture?, jqnd 
we are warm friends to a system which, whilst p is 
productive of great national and s. cial ud^uiita^e*, 
need not be apd is not (ascstab! ished-in the United 
States) associated with the debasing and crucj ef- 
fects which its opponents have charged upon it. 
Tin- “Lowell Offering” is a triumphant reply, to 
this allegation. There is a very interesting lector 
from Miss Mart inkau to Mr. Knight in the volume 
before ns, dated .May j£0, 1 S44, in winch sliLjde- 
Fcribes her yh;if to Lo’xylb Sfic say* that wpilst 
s/tting in tin* lyccUin. there, during a lecture de- 
livered by Mr. Emerson to the factory girls, and 
seeing them “ listening to their lecturer, all wqke- 
ful and interested, all we 11 -greased and lady-jikr, 

1 could not but feel my heart swell at the thought 
of what such a sight would be with n?;“ und 
adds — 

• The difference is not ip rank, for these y/mug 
droplc were all daughters of parents whe earn 
tlp-ir bread with their own hands It Is not jii the 
amount of wages; it is not in the amount of^toil, 
for the)- worked ©evenly clear hours per week. 
The diffi rcnce was in their sen ior .culture. Th~ir 
niitids arc k’fcfit fresh and strong, ajid free, by 
knowledge and power of thought; and this, j» lh« 
reason wny they ure not worn and depressed un- 
der their labors.” 

** At Waltham, where I saw the mills aud eon- 
versed with the people, I had an opportunity of ob- 
rerving the 'nvigomting effects of mind in a life 
of labor Twice the wage© aud half the toij would 
not have made the girls I saw, hnppy without culti- 
vation of mind, which afforded them perpetual sup- 
port, ru'rrtainmcnt. and motive for activity.” 
Surely wc have adduced strong and sufficient, 
proof of the correctness of th* only conclusion 
which we wish to draw on this occasion, which is, 
ffiat sound and correct rudimcutal education du- 
ring the early year* cf life, tho cultivation of 
habits of thought and reflection, of useful industry 
and well-directed exertion, and a conviction of 
the value, the importance, and the dignity of labor . 
will form a character which will not be endangered 
or degraded by engaging in factory or manufac- 
turing employments, lint that, on ti e contrary, 
siteli.a charae'or will be strengthened and invigora- 
ted by association with other character? formed by 
tivj same means, but differently devi loped through 
constitutional teruperment or individual circum- 
stances. That the friendly conflict of mind with 
mind will add to the powers pt .each , and that fac- 
tor labor, where such character* are tie* agents, 
will tend to the development otf nuncl aud the sup- 
port of virtu*', morality, and happyic^. 

Mi?.- Martin ha v state* the question in a few for- 
cible words: “There is nothing of. good in the 
American factory system which may not In* emu- 
lated elsewhere, equalled elsewhere, when the /xo- 
vle employed are so educated as t) hare the command 
‘of themselves and of their lot in life , which is always 
and every where co.ntsoi.lro bv ?*Yn o, far more than 
by outward circumstance." 

Woman's' Fc T *»Trri , DE.— - 1 J*ave often had. occa- 
sion to remark the fortitude with which women 
Martin flie most overwhelming reverse* of for- 
tune Those disasters who h break down the spir- 
it of . man, and prostrate him in the dust, soem to 
call forth all the. . n.-rgics of the softer sex. an 1 
giv- mich intrepidity and elevation to their eharac- 
i ter, that, at times it appro nr he* to sublimity. — 

! Nothing cun be more touching than to Ik hold a' 
.-oft and tender female, who hud been all wenkueas 
I dep nd* uc. . and alive to every trivial roughness, 
while treading the Prosperous path of life, sudden- 
' ly raising in mental force to be the comforter and 
supporter of her husband under mnluxtuuc. and[ 
i hiding with unshrinking tirmnri*. the bittrres* 
Hart of adversity — W Irving. 




MR. SELDEN ON THE RELATIONS DE- 
TVVEEN THE RICH AND THE POOR. 

Although -t have already giveii a ^-nop is of 
Mr. Scliien’s Speech at Nation; J Hall, on iriday j 
i venihg, we arc impelled to publish a fuller report | 
of a part of it which is of goneral and enduring l 
. interest. The following is the 'Herald* a report ot l 
t*o nyich of the speech a* . rehtes to the relations ot 
Rich aiid Poor. — X Y ■ Tribune. 

Let me now' call voir attention to another im- 
port ml aspect of human society — to the relations 
of nch and poor — of the consumer art J the pro- 
ducer — of the employer and th** cinploved — of cap- 
ital and tpbor. Those expressions arc intended in 
ordinary import to express substantially the same 
idea, and I ucsir6_ to djseu«» thesu relations, and if 
you will heat me,' 1 think you will find that my 
fliScussion will terminate as that lm terminated 
with regard to. the relations of native-lorn and 
adopted citizens, to the goo 1 of the people of this 
City. Whett we use the phrase “rich and poor,” 
wo obviously intend to indicate two extremes — 
that on the one hand, of the man who lives entire- 
ly upon income, and the oth-w, that of the man j 
\vlto i. compelled to obtain his support entirely by ; 
his labor. Now these 'two extremes — these two 
relations iii life, eftfistitute a very small portion of 
the people of these United State*. The interme- 
diate classes, those who may pox* us* more or less 
wealth, who unite labor an i capital together, in 
varying proportions, constitute the great masses of 
American Society. In considering theso rela- 
tions, my desire is to have it understood that there 
cro not necessarily any grounds of difference be- 
tween them — that they have a common interest 
and ought to unite in sustaining it. Let me, in the 
first place, address myself to the property owners, 
mid ask whether they have not been protected by 
the lal or of the city at all times, and in all circum- 
stances? Docs any one doubt it? Can any man 
who owns lands and houses say that hi* title deeds 
‘ have not been s?.fc? Can any man who has a rent 
roll, say that his tenants have not been faithful to 
their engagements and paid their rent when they 
were able to do so? Can any creditor say that his 
debts have not been paid if they who owed them 
were able to pay them and the law was capable of 
enforcing the payment? Has not labor always 
come promptly to the rescue of capital in the time 
of difficulty or danger? I say, therefore, that the 
rich arc thus indebted to the poor for the safoty and 
security of their property. Now have the poor — 
the laborers, any ground, of complaint? In the I 
first place much has been done by tho property 
owners in this city, fur the advancement of the 
comfort of those who labor, and I intend to show 
that much more can be done, and ought to be done. 
Let me, however, call your attention to some par- 
ticulars in which the rich of this city have exhibited 
' great generosity towards the poor. In the great 
' ‘cause of education they have without a murmur 
consented to bq very heavily taxed. For the pur- 
pose of contributing to the public health and render- 
ing more comfortable the condition of the poor, 
they have assented to to incur a debt equal to one 
dollar in twelve of the whole real estate of the city, 
in order to supply this metropolis with pure and 
wholesome water. Yes, let me tell you that the 
amount of that expenditure which now rests as a 
mortgage on tho real estate of the city, ia equal to 
one house and one lot in every twelve, from one cud 
of the island to the other. Th«:y have gone furth- 
er. They have furnished, to some extent, the 
operatives and the poor with public grounds. 1 in- 
tend to call your attention to this point a little 
further. I say it ia the duty of the men of proper- 
ty in this city, to extend these advantages specially 
designed fpr the poorer classes — to increase them. 
How largely the sum of human happiness may be 
augmented by the liberality both of Government 
and of private individuals! And I say it is the duty 
ns it is the interest of the rich, to see that the com- 
forts and enjoyments of the poor be enlarged. Let 
them increase the extent of the public grounds — 
let these grounds be beautified with flowers, and 
fountains and statues — let the poor man wheu his 
daily toil is over, have a resort where he and his 
family can have an hour’s relaxation and rational 
enjoyment — where his eye may be gratified by ob- 
jects' of taste, and where strains of inspiring music 
may minister to his delight. What do we see in 
countries where despotic government prevail*? In 
Paris— in Berlin— in Vienna, we see public grounds, 
filled with beautiful objects of nature and of art, 
thrown open to the man of toil — shall not freemen 
who have acquired wealth, do as much for freemen 
as Kings do for their slaves? It is true that in 
those European cities the people are oppressed, and 
their labor is poorly compensated? V et how much 
has been done by sovereign power for the comfort 
and enjoyment of the poor. And what is the re- 
sult? The poor of Paris, of Berlin, of Vienna, 
arc substantially preserved by the constant expen- 
diture, on the part of the government, for the pur- 
pose of furnishing the laboring classes with rational 
amusements. The gardens of tho Tuilcrics, and 
the Champs d’Elpsscs, with their bands of music, 
arc open to all, and there, when the task of the day 
is accomplished, labor enjoys itself, and is led in- 
scnibly to esteem the source which has supplied 
the ample means of recreation. I might present siui-. 
ilar examples in the other large cities. Why can- 
not that be done in a city like this? Are not the 
laborer;? entitled toil? Are not the rich able to 
furnish it? Ought they not to furnish it? Why, i 
it could bo epsily demonstrated that in doing this j 
the rich would be advancing their own interests. 1 
The consequence of expenditure in this way, would 
bo to make the city still more attractive to travel- j 
era and strangers; the value of property increased ; ; 
the condition of the poor would be improved, and I 
the expenses of the Alms-house would be most | 
materially diminished. In all civilized and refined 
nations this provision Las been made for the poor. 

You recollect the story of tho gardens of Julius 
being offered by Marcus us the price of the last 
remuaut of Homan liberty, and no clearly prized 
was the pleasant public walk on the banks of the 
Tiber that the bargain was closed. Although you 
cannot and would not sell your birthright as free- 
men, yet the Ihe poor and the laborer can be grate- 
ful as ire emeu forth* benefits distributed by those 
who arc rich, and also free. Much can be thus 
clone, and much ought to be thus done, for the pur- 
pose of elevating the condition of those who labor; 
and here let me call your attention for a few mo- 
ments to the results of labor us exhibited within 
the last half a century. What are they? Why, 
the exertion of human industry and ingenuity has 
been such ns to produce a surplus of everything 
that is required to supply the necessities and wants 
of humanity in every part of thu world. Let us 
look at this. What’s the reason that the great ar- 
ticle of cotton has been sinking in price? Because 
the supply is greater than the demand; it has been 
so multiplied by human labor that the want cannot 
meet it. So with agricultural products, flour, beef, 
pork; all those great articles of food have been in 
n genend course of decline in prices. So also with 
the products of human ingenuity and toil in the 
workshops. Now arc not those who have produced 
these results entitled to share in the benefits? — 
Look at Ihe mechanic pushing tho file over the in- 
strument which he is constructing — the thought oc- 
curs to him that by a happy combination of ma- 
chinery, he may be able to evade that labor, and 
accomplish iji the same time one hundred fold more 
work. He pursues this idea. He coiUlructs his 
machine. It succeeds. It is given to the world, 
and the addition thus made to capital cannot be cal- 
cinated. Yet the mechanic still toils on — his 
wages arc still substantially the same. But should 
not the laborer share in those results? Is it not 
true that ingenuity and skill in the mechanic art*- 
have, within the last'IValf century, raised that class 
of employments far above the professions? These 
resulU have been more advantageous to the human 
race than the efforts of the statesman or the 
scholar. Are not those who have produced these 
results entitled to participate in these advantages? 

Is it not fully time, and is it not the duty in a gov- 
ernment like ours, of those citizens who have ac- 
quired wealth, to see that l hoy render on equivalent 
for their ability through the exertions of ibis de- 
scription of labor, to convert the tens of thousands 
into hundreds of thousands, and their hundreds of 
thousands into millions? Is it not their duty so to 
• use their gains as to let those who have in fact pro- 
duced them, participate substantially in their ad- 
vantages? The time has indeed come when the 
task of labor should be diminished — the hours of 
work shortened— for still there would b«- time 
enough left to produce all that is necessary' for sup- 
plying the wants of mankind. 

Here, gentlemen — here in this city, of all other 
places — here, where fortunes may be made more 
rapidly and preserved with almost greater certainty 
than in any other city in the world— here is the 
place where tho rich should look to the wants, 
wishes and comforts of the poor. Here we should 
have pur, numerous and extensive public places, 
ornamented by statues raised to men who had bet- 
ter' claims to immorality than the warrior who haj 
n1q»i his thousands; raised to men who have done 
. some senicc to the world; to the mechanic who 
has invented some new thing; to the sailor who 
may have saved the life ‘of his fellow being; to the 
woman, who/fii the time of pestilence, may have 
stood fearlessly by the beds of the sick and dying. 
This is some portion of tho reward which labor 
ought to receive in the city of New York. And 
would not they also add to tho enjoyments of- the 
rich? The rich man, as he passed along and saw 
the pleasant faces of the poor man and his family 
thus enjoying themselves, would feel a greater 
thrill oT pleasures than when hi heard his hulls re- 
sound with rovelrv, and saw his daughters docked 
with diamonds. Hr would fuel that iu contributing 
to this result he had discharged his duty, and in lus 
own bosom reap that greatest of all earthly rewurJs 
— the approbation of lus. own conscience. Then 
again, by public opiuionjfc at through the operation 
of law, the tenements of the poor should b. im- 
proved. The landlords should bo prevented from 
confining the poor to apartments from which the 
very light and nir of heaven are almost entirely ex- 
cluded, and they should be furnished with ample, 
clean and- comfortable habitations. Th.- rich can | 
do still more for theqnor. There cr • art of kind- ! 

not attended with expenditure, which would! 
b- rrratefnllv arkimwl. Ig ,|. mi! whi.-l, no«H do* 



much to reconcile any of those differences which 
arise out of the relations of fortune on the one 
hand and misfortune on the other. I allude to tho 
extension of personal civilities by the rich to tho 
poor when they meet — inquiries into their wants, 
(hair success and their misfortunes! One of the 
Lest things in the way of goovl manners ever said, 
is related, of George the Third. When asked by 
one of his courti rj why ho pii 1 respect to a poor 
dray uia u that panned by, hi replied — “ fcuall I be 
: l?.-s polite than ihe poorest of my subjects?” — 
Civilities auCh as this go far to break up the artifi- 
cial distinctions between the rich and the poor — 
to remove those things which keep men apart, be- 
cause the otic cla&has been fortunate. All should 
recollect that in the viciasituies of business, Labor 
ani Capitol change places — that the whole rich to- 
day may become poor to-morrow — that the de- 
scendants of the men who have accumulated cs- 
tat*s, are likely to be the laborers to the children 
of those who arc now without them. These things 
borne in mind will teach each to respect the rights 
of the other, and to make each feel that it is not 
the result of any hereditary claim, any personal 
advantage, but rather the result of chance, some- 
times of industry, but moro frequently of chance, 
that has made the one rich, whilst the other is poor. 
1 present these considerations to those who may be 
complaining of the hostility of the poor to the 
neb, and I ask them, when the opportunity of pre- 
venting those complaints is so easily gaiued, will 
they not direct their attention to the accomplish- 
ment of this great obicct? Arc not the laboring 
classes of this city entitled to as much considera- 
tion from those who have acquired property, as the 
subjects of foreign potentates ore to the considera- 
tion of those who rule them? Changes in the con- 
dition of the poor such as I have described, and 
such as I contend for, arc always, it is well to re- 
collect, much more oasily and safely to be obtained 
from private bounty than from the operation of 
Government. Let the experiment be tried, and it 
will soon be discovered that the laboring classes 
will consider thomselves as enjoying common 
rights, participating in the interests of those who, 
bv good fortune or by inheritance, arc exempted 
from the necessities of labor. 



The Slave Trade. — A statistical table has been 
framed in England, which shows the number of 
victims to this unholy traffic. 

It appears from this, that from 1808 to 1840, 
there has been kidnapped from Africa to Brazil, 
2J|20,000 negroes. 

In the same time, 1,120,000 have been taken to 
Cuba and Porto Rico, 3,000,000 to the French Col- 
onics and tho United States, and 1,160,000, to the 
different Mahotnedan nations, making in ail 7,- 
500,000. What a cloud of witnesses they will be 
at the bar of God, against the nations who partici- 
pated in, and connived at the awful wickedness of 
man-stealing! 

It is estimated, in addition to this, that out of 
every thousand kidnapped in Africa, one half die 
before arriving at the place of departure, one fourth 
more, perish in the middle passage, and one fifth 
more in “seasoning,” or acclimation. 

And who are responsible for the amazing 
amount of sorrow and wo caused by this horrid 
business? The people of the United' States arc, 
partially. The existence of slavery here, hclpsto 
keep up slavery in Brazil and Cuba, now the only 
markets for the men thieves. If slavery were 
abolished here, the moral power of Europe and the 
United States, directed against its further existence 
in Brazil and Cuba, could not fail to hasten its 
downfall there. Our nation, therefore, is indirectly 
participating in the guilt of the traffic, and it be- 
hoves all men to use every means in their power to 
remove from us the institution of slavery, which 
contributes its mighty influence to prolong a sys- 
tem fraught with misery and despair to millions of 
our Yellow men. — Wash. Patriot. 



“ Maryland will be a Free State.” — Thus says 
the writer of the following communication from 
Baltimore to the Zion’s Her; I I. We believe he 
speaks the truth in the assertion which he has 
made. And we rejoice also in tho fact that hence- 
forth, “ no man can have any connection with the 
Conference and Slavery.” 

Let other ecclesiastical bodies throughout the 
country take the same ground — only let the Church 
cleause itself from the dark stain of slavery', and 
it may be said not only of Maryland, but of all the 
slaveholding States, that “ the day is not far dis- 
tant when they will be free States.” The writer 
referred to says: 

“ The entire action of the present session [of 
the Conference] has settled the point, I trust for- 
ever, that no man can have any connection with 
the Conference and slavery. The entire body are 
thoroughly imbued with anti-slavery sentiments. 
I shall not go too far in saying, that I have never 
associated with a more thorough going body of 
anti-slavery men Ilian the Baltimore Convention. 
Brethren in New England may be assured that tho 
cause of humanity will not suffer in their hands. 
Their opposition to slavery is manifested not only 
in their conference action, but publicly nudiu pri- 
vate. I have learned of one instance, wheu slave- 
ry was rebuked in one of the largest congregations 
in this city, by one of our ministers, and the traffic 
iu slaves denounced as piracy. The anti-slavery 
fueling is very strong generally in this city among 
nil classes. I venture the assertion that there ia 
quite as much anli-sl.tverv in tlian as iu vour own 
city. The day i* not tor^distunt when Maryland 
will be a free State. The Saturday Visiter, a week- 
ly paper published by Dr. Snodgrass in this city, 
deserves particular attention. Its columns are 
open for the discussion of this subject. It is an 
independent journal that is doing good service for 
the cause of freedom, and ought to be patronized 
liberally by Northern men .” — Chicago Noes. 



The Oregon Question. — When an heir to a 
property attempts to forestall tho results of time 
and kills his relation to gain an immediate posses- 
sion, ail indignant community stramps its burning 
brand upon his folly and crime. Our haste iu ' 
reference to Oregon may have less guilt in it, but j 
not less lolly. We run the hazards of war, and 
all the miseries which war brings with it, to get j 
immediate possession of that which time must in- 
evitably make ours. 

Nine or ten Americans to one Englishmen arc j 
now settling there; when, therefore, the popttla- j 
tion of that country shall reach fifty thousand, 
forty-five thousand will bo Americans; when it 
shall reach a hundred thousand, ninety thousand | 
will bo Americans. Now, docs any man in his i 
sober senses believe that these ninety thousand on- 
going to take their notions of civil freedom and of I 
civil government from the remaining ten thousaud? 
Docs any man believe that these ninety thousand I 
will forget their lineage, lose their sympathy with i 
republican institutions, and swear allegiance to the ! 
British Crown? There is just about as much J 
danger that the people of Maine or Vermont will j 
go over to Great Britain as that the people of Ore- 
gon will. It is a slander on their intelligence and I 
love of freedom to predict such a result. 

All therefore, that we have to do, in order to 
come into secure possession of Oregon, is to let her 
alone. Time will make her ours, without any 
fighting either with goose-quills or guns. She i's 
bound to us by the great laws of affinity and sym- . 
patiiy, laws which can be defeated only by rashness 
and fully. She will coinc into our arms just as; 
naturally and inevitably as vapors risiug up from ! 
tho sea, floating off to distant mountains, and there ! 
becoming condensed into showers, return iu ex- i 
ulting streams to their parent ocean. But suppose 
worst comes to worst, and wo have to light for ! 
Oregon; even in that event the longer we put off 
the conflict the better for us. With ninety thous- 
and Americans there and ten thousand English, or 
one hundred and eighty thousand Americans and 
twenty thousand English, who can doubt what tho 
issue would be? We can see reasons why England 
should wish to push this matter to an issue now, but 
none why America should, unless it be that Hot- 
spur-ambition which overleaps itself and falls on 
tiio other side . — North American. 



Washington Irving. — The Washington Nation- 
al Intelligencer relates the following interesting 
anecdote of our distinguished countryman: — 

Mr. Irving is beloved wherever he is known for 
the amenity ofhis manners and tho kindness of his 
heart, and his reputation might almost be termed 
universal. He is not only popular and admired in 
gorgeous halls or palaces, but his writings have 
reached the hearts of tho common soldier in his 
barracks and tlte poor man iu his cabin. We have 
heard an anecdote which illustrates the truth of the 
latter portion of this remark. Upon his last visit to 
the south of Spain, Mr. Irving took GibraUer in his 
way. It is one of the regulations of that military 
post that no one shall be permitted within the gates 
after a particular hour iu the evening. The vessel 
in which Mr. Irving was a passenger had dropped 
anchor in the harbor after this hour,but, being 
wholly unacquainted with the above mentioned 
rule, and being anxious to leave the narrow limits 
in which he had been so long pent up, and tread 
once more upon the glad earth, he landed and asked 
for admittance of the soldier on duty. The scuti- 
nel politely but decidedly refused: whereupon Mr. 
Irvinghandcd him his card, with the request that 
it might be reft with the proper authorities, so that 
in the morning no delay might occur in admitting 
him. The soldier looked niton the card, and then 
raising his hat, “Sir,” said h**, “im- you Washington 
living of America, arc you the author of the ‘Sketch 
Book’ and 'Tales of the Alhambra?* ” Mr. Irving 
replied, with some surprise, “I am. “Then,” sai.i 
the sentinel, “you may ent-r, I know that I shall 
be pardoned for admitting you.'' 

FANATICISM^ 

The Ultr.us.ms of the Day. — There can be but 
little doubt that the ultraisms of tho present day 
arc fraught with evils dangerous in their tendency 
to the general security, the peace, harmony, and 
welfare of society. While we rejoice in every ad- 
vance step of mankind, and willingly unite with 
any “party of progress” that c m in any degree ef- 
fect cimenii.il reforms iu society — reforms that 
••h.dl make if better and. man happier— we at th* 
suit time look with dbtru-t and regret upon th*- 



course pursued by many of the ultraisU in rela- 
tion to some of the reforms which they endeavor 
to press forward . — Concord Courier. 

There is a fanaticism in politics as in religion, 
and no country in the world furnishes so many il- 
lustrations of it as our own. The disorganizing 
doctrines and measures of which our contempora- 
ry complains naturally spring out cf the prevailing 
freedom which we enjoy, without a due apprecia- 
tion of its conditions. “License we mean when 
we cry Liberty.” Hence Dorrism; hence that in- 
cessant war upon all wholesome restraints; hence 
the spirit of Agrarianism, which would give tc 
idleness the hard earnings of industry; Subterra- 
neanism, which seeks to bring down all things to 
the dead level of ignorance and folly; the “natu- 
ral rights'* doctrine, that overlooks all obligations, 
denies the inheritable quality of property, unfrocks 
the priest, and laughs at the marriage tic. All 
forms arc thus in turn denounced, and people nat- 
urally enough run into the conceit that, as 11 pow- 
er is with them, they have a right to do whatever 
they please, and what they please is necessarily 
right. 

A certain class of political regenerators arc per- 
petually feeding the popular mind with agreeable 
prophecies of the progress of free principles, while 
there is an utter scorn of inquiry into the degree of 
liberty we already possess, or which we want. We 
are called on to follow a phantom, without tho 
slightest regard to tho substantial form of freedom 
which we leave for the pursuit. And, while words 
thus usurp the place of things, urn set out on a 
chase of “large liberty,” as the Indian sets out in 
pursuit of a new settlement: his first step abandons 
all that he poss?sscd before, and his next sees him 
bivouacking under the naked heaven. 

The hardest lesson to be learned under a Gov- 
ernment like ours is, that the human condition 
can no more be equalized than the faculties or for- 
ces of human individuals. That everlasting rule 
of society always triumphs over artificial restric- 
tions, as tho ceaseless tides of the ocean will at 
last assert their sway. All men feel this well 
enough in practice, but arc not willing to admit its 
consequences. They attribute it to every other 
cause but the true one. They legislate upon it, 
theorize about it, lose themselves in the mazes of 
the original compact, and seldom end without some- 
experiment for altering the economy of Provi- 
dence. They might just as well regulate the stat- 
ure of men on the Procrustean model, and cure in- 
equalities by cutting off heads. 

A history of public questions might be a work 
worthy of some great benefactor to his country. — 
It would show the perpetual facility with which 
the public mind may be fruitlessly disturbedr the 
guilty dexterity with which popular imposture may 
inflame popular passion; and the utter absurdity 
with which nations may be impregnated, at the mo- 
ment when they are giving themselves credit for 
supreme wisdom; tl»* whole forming a great lega- 
cy of political common sense for the benefit of the 
future — an extract from the follies of the fathers 
for an antidote to the crimes of posterity . — Newark 
Daily Advertise. 

A Beactitul Idea. — At a public meeting in New 
York, says the Telegraph, Rev. J. Spalding dwelt 
a few moments on the deathless nature and extent 
of moral influence. “Away among the Allegha- 
nies,” said he, “ there is a spring so small that a 
tingle ox on a summer' 8 day could drain it dry. It 
steals its unobtrusive way among the hills, till it 
spreads out into the beautiful Ohio. Thence it 
stretches away a thousand miles, leaving on its 
banks more than a hundred villages and cities, an 1 
many thousand cultivated farms; and bearing on 
its bosom more than half a thousand steamboats. 
Then joining the Mississippi, it stretches away and 
away some twelve hundred niil**s more, till it falls 
into the great emblem of eternity. It is one of 
the tributaries of that ocean, which obedient only 
to God, shall roll and roar, till the angel with one 
foot on the sea and the other on the land, shall lift 
up his hand to heaven and swear that time shall be 
no longer. So with moral influence. It is a rill — 
a rivulet — a river — an ocean, boundless and fath- 
omless as eternity .” — Madison Express. 



Books. — It is chiefly through books that we en- 
joy intercourse with superior minds, and these in- 
valuable means of communication arc in the reach 
of all. In the best books, great men talk to us, 
give us their moat precious thoughts, and pour 
their souls into ours. God be thanked for books. 
They arc the voices of the distant and the dead, 
and make us heirs of the spiritual life of past ages. 
Books are the true levellers. They give to all who 
will faithfully use them, the society, the spiritual 
presence, of the best and greatest of our race. No 
matter how poor I am, no matter though the pros- 
perous of my own time will not enter my obscure 
dwelling, if the sacred writers will enter and take 
up their aboJe under my roof, if Milton will cross 
my thrcshhold to sing to inc of Paradise, and Shuk- 
speare to open to me the worlds of imagination 
and the workings of the human heart, and Frank- 
lin to enrich me with his practical wisdom, I shall 
not pine for want of intellectual companionship: 
and I may become a cultivated man, although ex- 
cluded from what is called the best society iu the 
place where I live. — Channing. 

C Ol MON SENSE. 

From the Columbus Enquirer. 

The War Cry. — If our judgments could 
be controlled by the language and manner 
of many of our worthy Democratic friends, 
we should be forced to the conclusion that a 
war at this time would prove to be a nation- 
al blessing. We admire the stout heart 
and the iron nerve that can ‘‘look upon 
blood and carnage with composure,” when 
a stern necessity renders a state of war im- 
perative; but we envy not the man who 
flippantly speaks of war as desirable to 
him, for such expressions betoken an in- 
difference to human life and happiness — an 
enmity with all men, at home and abroad. 
It may be easy enough to whip the British, 
and the Mexicans, and the Brazilians, too; 
but in the deadly strife that must ensue, 
when arm to arm foes contend, our broth- 
er’s life-blood will make red our mother 
earth, and incarnadine the waters of many 
seas. Their bones may bleach in a foreign 
land? or rest in the deep ocean. The fate 
of such is far preferable to the desolation 
of the wives, the mothers, the daughters 
and sisters at home. This deplorable re- 
sult, with all the ruinous concomitants that 
inevitably flow when nations arm and array 
themselves against each other, and make 
the sword the arbiter in the adjustment of 
their contentious, must be firmly and quiet- 
ly submitted to, when national honor and 
the happiness of the people require it. — 
That such an exigency may arise, is but 
too evident. We trust, that the Admin- 
istration may so conduct as to avert the 
calamities with which we are threatened. 
Should England and the United States 
disturb the repose of nations, it will 
be at a heavy charge upon the commerce 
of the world, and to the entire prostration 
for a time of the cotton planting interest of 
the South. It is true, this Southern ruin 
would not be less disastrous to the great 
manufacturing power of Great Britain, for 
without our cotton the industrial pursuits 
and tho Government of England would have 
to submit to a revolution in less than twelve 
months. 

As yet, we have not perceived the slight- 
est occasion for a war. Our foreign diffi- 
culties are the consequences of the indis- 
creet conduct of our ruler* and we are 
confident these may be amicably and hon- 
orably adjusted, by wise, temperate, but 
firm counsels, without an appeal to the 
dread resort. 



MORE OF IT. 

From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, May 21. 

Let us go to War! — John Bull wants a 
flogging — let’s give it to him! He is inso- 
lent — let’s flog him! He is spreading his 
power in all quarters of the world. His 
armies are all over the earth, his ships all 
over the water, and his merchandise all 
over land and water. Let’s flog him! It 
will cost us a few hundreds of ships and a 
few hundred millions of dollars, and a few 
score thousands of lives. It will turn so- 
ciety upside down, give rowdies and rob- 
bers the upper hand, and entail upon us an 
aristocracy of military heroes for another 
half century. All the better for that. — 
John Bull needs a flogging, and he ought to 
have it. We want a flogging too, and it 
would do us good. We want a bleeding as 
well as John Bull; so let us have it. Let 
us turn to and have a real Irish knock-down! 
Who is going to have John Bull set his lions 
to growling at us across the water? We’ll 
stop his noise, if it is by thrusting our own 
heads clown his throat. Who is going to 
spend all his life m merchandising and 1 
manufacturing and lecturing and preaching 



and printing? Who wants to hear this 
everlasting talk about conscience and rea- 
son, and right and wrong? The world has 
become stale and insipid. The shigp ought 
to be all captured, and the cities battered 
down, aud the world burnt up, so that we 
can start again. There would be fun in 
that ; some interest, something to talk about. 
The newspapers are not worth reading; 
the murders they tell of are only one at a 
time, and the terrible explosions only go to 
killing half a dozen or so. We \^ant to 
see men mowed down in long batalions.nnd 
artillery trains dragged over them before 
they are dead. W e want to have squadron ; 
of horse trample on men dying, but not 
dead, and see the blood spirt when they 
tread on living hearts, and see the vultures 
feed on the richest sort of carrion. We 
want, wherever wo see a head, to break it; 
wherever a heart beats, to stop it; wherever 
there is beauty, to deform it; and wherever 
there is order, to bring it in chao3. We 
can't bear these restraints which arc called 
civilization. “This is mine, and that is 
yours.” We want to own nothing, and 
rob for every thing. This world has 
swung out of its orbit, and come too near to 
what they call heaven. We want to swing 
it as far the other way, until it comes hard 
by, if not all over in, the infernal regions. 
If we can do no more, we want to fight old 
mother England, and flog her, and get flog- 
ged ourselves; and when we are both flog- 
ged well nigh to death, then make a treaty, 
and have something to talk about. 



George Bancroft has just received an 
honorary diploma from the Academy of 
Science of Berlin, in honor of his literary 
reputation, aud especially of his History of 
the United States. 



The buildings formerly occupied iu Phil- 
adelphia, for the Custom House, were sold 
at auction on Tuesday, for §32,300. 

DOG ANNEXATION. 

We take the followingjeu d' esprit from the last 
number of “Punch;” It can hardly fail to amuse 
all class of our readers: 

John Polk was put to the bar, charged with rob- 
bing the Mexican Minister of a favorite dog nam- 
ed Texas. The circumstances of the case Don 
Bernardo Murphy stated to be simplv these: 

Some months since, John Polk sold his Excel- 
lency the dog, (a very large animal, spotted black 
and white, that used to run under his carriage,) 
subsequently a fellow by the name of Houston, a 
countryman of Polk’s, who had been in his Ex- 
cellency’s service, absconded with the dog, and 
he had that day seen at Greenwich Fair, whither 
he had gone in company with Chevalier Bunsen. 
The animal was tied to a van belonging to the 
prisoner,, and from which he was haranguing and 
psalm-singing to the company at the fair. 

Policeman, X, 21, said— Please your Worship, 
there has been more picking of pockets round 
that ere psalm-singing wan than in any part of the 
fair. 

Mr. Aberdeen. — Silence, Policeman. What has 
that to do with the complaint? 

The Mexican Minister continued, in a very agi- 
tated manner, “I instantly recognized my dog, 
and gave the scoundrel yonder in chaige of a 
police main” 

“Scoundrel!” the prisoner cried, (a very sancti- 
monious looking fellow, ivho held the dog in his arms') 
— “Am I in a Christian land, to hear myself call- 
ed by such names? Arc we men? Arc’ we breth- 
ren? Have we blessings and privileges, or have 
we not? I come of a country the most enlighten- 
ed, the most religious, the most freest, honcstcst, 
punctuallcst, on this airth, Ido.” 

Mr. Aberdeen (wi th a profound bow.) — You are 
an American, I suppose. 

Polk. — I thank gracious mussy I am. I can ap- 
peal to every thing that is holy, and, lying my 
hand on heart, declare I am honest man. ’ I scorn 
the accusation that I stole the complainant’s dog. 
The dog is my dog— mine by the laws of heaven, 
airth, right, nature and possession. 

Don Bernardo Murphy, very much agitated, here 
cried out— How yours? I can swear to the ani- 

mal. I bought iiim of you. 

Polk. — \ ou did. It's as true as I’m a free born 

Don Bernardo — A man who Ins an old ser- 
vant of yours coincs into my service and steals a 
dog. 

Polk. — A blcssoder truth you never told. 

Don Bernardo. — And I find" the animal now again 
in your possession. 

Polk {Cuddling the dog{ — Yes, my old dog — yes 
my old Texas* it like to come bock to its master 
it di J? 

Don Bernardo (tit a fury ) — I ask your worship, 
isn’t this too monstrous? 

Mr. Aberdeen — Your Excellency will permit 
inc to observe that we have not yet heard Mr. 
Polk’s defence. In a British Court, justice must 
be shown, and no favor. 

Polk — I scorn a defence. The dog returned to 
me by a law of nature — it’s wicked to fly against 
a law of nature. It I sold the dog, and by the ir- 
resistible attraction of cohesion, and the eternal 
order of things, ho comes back to me — am I to 
blame? It’s monstrous, heinous, rcglar blasphe- 
my to say so. 

Mr. Aberdeen appeared deeply struck by the 
latter observation. 

Polk (continued .) — I didn’t steal tho animal.— 
Steal! Is a man of my character to be called a 
thief ? I reannexed him— that’s all. Besides what 
jurisdiction has this court? what authority has any 
court on airth in a question purely American? My 
bargain with Don Bernardo Murphy took place 
out of this country — the dog came back to me 
thousands of miles away herefrom. 

Mr. Aberdeen — In that case, I really must dis- 
miss the complaint. Allow me to state my opin- 
ion, Mr. Polk, that tho dog is yours; I have no 
business to inquire into questions of annexation as 
you call it,. or of robbery as his Excellency here, 
(very rudely, 1 must think,) entitles your bargain. 

1 entreat rather that gentlemen so respectable 
should live together in harmony; and— and, I 
wish you both a very good morning. 

Mr. Polk then left the office, whistling to his dog 
and making signs of contoinpt at Don Bernardo 
Murphy, who slunk away in a cab. He had not 
been gone an hour, when Policeman X 21 came 
into the office and said, “Please your worship. — 
The Yankee annexed your worship’s Canadian 
walking-stick ill the passage.” 

Mr. Aberdeen (sternly .) — Mind your own busi- 
ness fellow; Mr. Polk is perfectly welcome to the 
stick. 

Presently another member of the force (O’Ro- 

f un by name) entered and swore the incorrigible 
oik had stolen his beaver hat. 

Mr. Aberdeen (good humoredly ) — Well, well, I 
i say the hat wasn’t worth twopence half-pen- 



the county, failing to Jo which, summary 
punishment was inflicted. Two young men 
of a family named Turnbull fell under the 
jurisdiction of the Regulators, aud on Fri- 
day lait they met at a house in the county, 
to determine what should be done in the 
premises. 

It is not known what was agreed upon at 
that meeting, but from thence they pro- 
ceeded to the residence of old Mr. Turn- 
bull, father of the young men in question. 
The old man, who was at his shop, saw them 
approaching, and attempted to escape into 
the house, but was intercepted and caught. 
Two younger sons and the females of the 
family retreated into the house aud fasten- 
ed the doors. The suspected men were not 
to be found. The lynchers loitered about 
the house for some time, and finally set fire 
to it, but it was extinguished by the family. 
They then resolved upon more efficient 
measures, and one of them siezed an axe 
with which, after several blow3, he broke in 
the door, and the mob entered. A general 
light ensued in the house. It is not known 
which party fired first, but two shots were 
fired by the young Turnbulls, one of which 
killed a young man by the name of Davis; 
he lived only twenty four hours after the 
affray. 

Another of the mob named Norval, or 
Norris, who had used the axe in breaking 
the door, was struck on the head with 
something resembling acorn knife, which 
penetrated into the brain, and he is not ex- 
pected to live long. A third was injured 
slightly. One of the Turnbulls was shot in 
the neck, and was dying at the last ac- 
counts. The other was shot in the thigh, 
and was not expected to survive: they are 
both young, one a boy fifteen or sixteen 
years old. — This bloody outrage took place 
about eight miles back of Bailey’s landing, 
between 12 and 3 o’clock in the day. Great 
cxcitemedt followed throughout the coun- 
ty. The mob had determined at a meeting 
on Monday, to proceed to Turnbull’s house 
and exterminate the whole family; but it is 
hoped, that the efforts which were making 
to arrest this design, were successful. It is 
said, that the Regulators were composed of 
some of the most respectable men of the 
county, but how they can reconcile their 
proceedings with a desire to maintain this 
character, is beyond our comprehension.” 



The effects of slavery on the poor white 
people of the South, are thus forcibly de- 
picted by a writer in the Charleston (S. C.) 
Courier: 

“Shall we pass unnoticed the thousands 
of poor, ignorant, degraded white people 
among us, who, in this laud of plenty, live 
in comparative nakedness and starvation? 
Many a one is reared in proud South Caro- 
ling, from birth to manhood, who has never 
a month in which he has not for some part 
of the time been stinted for meat. Many 
a mother is there who will tell you that her 
children are but scantily supplied with 
bread, and much more with meat; and if 
they be clad in comfortable raiment, it is at 
the expense of their scanty allowance t f 
food. 

“It is perhaps not generally known that 
there arc twenty thousand white persons 
in thisstatc who can neither read nor write. 
This is about one in every thirteen of the 
white population. That we arc behind the 
age in agriculture, the mechanic arts, in- 
dustry* and enterprise, is apparent to al 1 
who pass through our state. 

“Our good city of Charleston speaks a 
language on this subject not to be mistaken; 
she has lost one thousand of her population, 
according to the census of 1840, while her 
sister cities have doubled and quadrupled 
theirs.” 



The Food of Man. — The Genesee Farmer gi 
this brief summary of the native countries of our 
most familiar plants: 

The potato is a native of South America, and is 
still found wild in Chili, Ecru and Mont Yi leo. 
Injts native state, the root is small and bitter.. The 
first mention of it by European writers is in 1588. 
It is now spread over the world. Wheat and rye 
originated in Tartary and Siberia, where they are 
still indigenous. The only country where the oat 
is found wild is in Abyssinia, and hence may be 
considered a native. Maize or Indian corn, is a 
native of Mexico, and was unknown in Europe un- 
til after the discoveries of Columbus. The bread 
fruit tree is a native of South Sea islands, particu- 
larly Otahoite. Tea is found a native no where 
except in China and Japan, from which countries 
the world is supplied. The cocoa nut is a native of 
most equinoctial countries, and is one of the most 
valuable trees, ns food, clothing and shelter arc 
afforded by it. Coffee is a native of Arabia Felix, 
but is now spread into both the East and West In- 
dies. The best coffee is brought from Mocha, in 
Arabia, whence about fourteen millions of pounds 
are annually exported. St. Dimingo furnishes 
from sixty to seventy millions [of pounds yearly. 
All the varieties of the apple are derived from the 
erab apple, which is found native in most parts of 
the world. 

The peach is derived from Persia, where it still 
grows in a native state, small, bitter, and with poi- 
sonous qualities. Tobacco is a native of Mexico 
and South America, and lately one species has been 
found iu New Holland. Tobacco was first intro- 
duced into England from North Carolina, in 1586, 
by Walter Raleigh. Asparagus was brought from 
Asia; cabbage and lettuce from Holland; horse 
radish from China; rice from Ethiopia; beans 
from the East Indies; onions and garlics arc na- 
tives of various places both in Asia and Africa. — 
The sugar cane is a native of China, and the art of 
making sugar from it. 



Remedy against the Cckculio. — A cor- 
respondent writes us as follows: — “The 
Curculio, or greeu moth, which commences 
its ravages on the plum about the first week 
in June, by depositing its eggs in plums, 
while the fruit is yet in an infant state, can 
be easily exterminated by preparing a mix- 
ture made in the proportion of a bushel of 
wood ashes, to a quart of soot and half a 
ny: and it'* better to lose it thnu to squabble about 1 pound of sulphur, applied ill the morning 
it « law. while the dew is yet on the fruit, insufti- 

u Kegan left the Conrt grumbling, and said it 



vasn’t so in Temple's time. 



A volume has been recently published 



ient quantity to coat the tree.” The rem- 
edy presented is a very easy one, and if 
effectual, will be of great value. The 



c . „ i Curculio has long and justly been consid- 

r Say,,, *  S e 0 cred one of ihe most troublesome depreda- 
, ‘ °/ * .mong o it. r Mings in tors on the fruit orchard, and its destruction 

the volume, theye is the lollowing laconic 
letter written by the Duke to Marshal 
Beresfokd, giving an account of the Water- 



loo affair, soon after it took place, which 
as a description of the great battle by one 
of the great actors, is quite a curiosity: — 
Nat . Int . 

“You will have. heard of our battle of the 1 8th. 
Never did I see such a pounding match. Both 
were what the boxers call ‘gluttons.’ Napoleon 
did not manoeuvre at all. He just moved forward 
in the old style, in columns, and was driven off in 
the old style. Tho only difference was, that he 
mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported 
both with an enormous quantity of artillery. I 
had the infantry for some time in squares, and wo 
had the French cavalry walking about as if they 
had been our own. I never saw the British infan- 
try behave so well.” 



Horrors of Lynch Law. — Tho St. Louis 
Republican of April 1G, giv.es the following 
details of a revolting civse of Lynch law, 
which recently occurred in Missouri. One 
cannot read descriptions of such scenes, 
without feeling the importance of rebuking 
in the most decided manner, any movements 
tending to uproot law and order in society: 
“Outrage in Lincoln County, Mo. — 
Our readers know that the people of Lin- 
coln county, in this State, have I .eon much 
excited, for some months past, by the dis- 
covery of the existence ofabaud ofcounter- 
leilers and horse thieves among them. Sev- 
eral of them have been, at different times, 
arrested, and suspicion continued to rest 
against other lamilies. In this state of 
things, a company of Regulators, as they 
called themselves — Lynch-law men — .was 
formed, who prococik'd, from time to time, 
to ordcrjjie suspoclcd individuals to leave 



orderf Jm* 5 



is a “consummation devoutly to be wished.” 
Maine Cultivator . 



Col. Benjamin Selby, Sr., Auditor of this 
State, died at his residence in this town on 
Sunday last. He had been confined to his 
bed for two or three years, and although 
his demise was not unexpected, it was deep- 
ly lamented by his excellent family. Col. 
Selby had been long in the service of this 
State, was modest and retiruig in his de- 
portment and habits, and esteemed by all 
who knew him as being as honest a man as 
ever lived. He was buried in the new 
cemetery on the hill, with all appropriate 
testimonials of respect. — Yeoman. 



A Colored Member of the Bar. — Macon 
B. Allen, a colored man, was admitted to 
procticc in tho Boston Common Pleas on 
Monday. The Boston Post says he is a 
better looking man than two or three white 
members of the Boston Bar. and it is hardly 
possible that he can be a worse lawyer than 
at least six of them whom it could name. 
Ho commenced his legal studies in the 
office of General Fessenden, of Portland, 
and completed them under Mr. Sewell. — 
E.rch. paper . 



Rifle Shooting. — The editor of the 
Boston Post says; “He has seen a target the 
size of half a dollar, into which Dr. Gould, 
of Linn, put eleven balls in succession, with 
a rifle made by Nathaniel Whitmore, of 
that town, at a distance of twenty tods., 
A ten cent piece covers ten of the hits, a 
five rent piece covers nine, and the other 
shot i ; far within the cdijr of the circle.” 



AGRICULTURAL. 

Hints to Farmers.— Be assured that 
your calling is in itself honorable if in- 
dustriously followed. A good farmer is 
certainly in every respect a more enviable 
man than a doctor without patients, a law 
yer without clients, or a clergyman who 
calculates on serving both God and mam- 
mon, by preaching the gospel in its purity, 
without offending slave-holders. 

If you have land without capital, 3ell a 
portion of it and get money enough to cul- 
tivate to advantage the remainder; a small 
farm well tilled is worth a world of waste 
land ; an acre of good land planted in sugar 
trees or buckeyes, brings its owner in debt 
to the amount of the tax paid and fences 
made for it — the same acre of land in grass 
rents for about two dollars yearly; in sixty 
years it produces one hundred and twenty 
dollars. 

Plants removed from the soil are ex- 
hausters of the elements of nutriment; re- 
move no more, therefore, than is absolutely 
necessary. As all plants do not require the 
same nutriment, an alternation of crops 
cannot fail to be profitable, as all the ele- 
ments in the soil are then brought into use. 
Much nourishment is drawn by plants from 
the air, carbon, hydrogen, oxygen and Ni- 
trogen, in the form of water ammonia and 
carbonic acid gas, consequently, as is well 
kuown, land can be restored to fertility 
without manure, if you allow it rest aud 
some vegetable clothing. Green crops, are 
therefore, for obvious reasons, the best ren- 
ovators — but as prevention is easier than 
cure, our best farmers take care to plant In- 
dian corn after grass, having long since de- 
serted the “skinning” system. 

Have but few kinds of stock, and keep 
them well. Stock intended for the butcher 
should never be allowed to decline in fat, 



may Im* di cidrj whether any chemical differ i»cc 
exists between the two. 

You may remember that Mr. Morse tried some 
of his first electro-telegraphic experiments under 
the auspices of the Institute. Those wonderful first 
experiments are now about to find their growth 
like galvanic growth — spread over the Union. 

I am truly yours, 

II. MEIGS, Secretary of the 
Farmers* Club of the American Institute. 

Hon. James Tallmadoe, President 

of the American Institute. 

HOW IT WORKS. 

Ten years have elapsed sineo by the ma- 
gi: power of British law, 800,000 slaves 
were transformed to the condition of free 
subjects in the West Indian Islands. Pro- 
slavery croakers in England and in this 
country prophesied evil things, and warned 
the world of dreadful consequences which 
were to follow the proclamation of liberty to 
the captives. But when the 1st of August 
’34 seme and passed with the tranquillity of 
a sabbath; when the military patrols were 
dispensed with, because there were no riots 
to be quelled; when the joyful labourers 
hastened to their requited toil, insisting that 
they greatly preferred cash to the lash for 
value recievcd, then it Was most reluctantly 
acknowledged that freedom- might on tho 
whole be better than slavery in tlte West 
Indies, but our American slavocrats stoutly 
contended that this was very much owing 
to the genius ol tho British government. 
Freedom to the slave in America would be 
quite another affair. It would never do to 
tui n the slaves loose ’ in this country — no- 
indeed. But the accumulating evidence of 
tun vais trial of Ireedom, has well nmlv 
put to (light the doubts of scepticism itself. 
We hear hut little now of“the horrors of 
St. Domingo.” The accounts we have from 
year to year of the improving condition of 
the emancipated— the increase of staple 
productions, the advanceof real estate and 
other unfailing proofs of general prosperity 
—have however imperceptibly demonstra- 
ted to many unnds the good economy as well 
as good morals of freedom. Our attention 
was directed to this subject now by noticing 
in one of our exchanges the following re- 
marks by the editor of an Antigua paper 



OMV.U.U uu.ui I- anew ou iu uceuuc in lai, t p Middlesex Standard. 

for a waste of flesh is a clear loss to the may lx- asserted wiih^iruith Thatnatm^!! Ju!**” 



purse. 

Be frank and honest in trade, it will in 
the long run, not only add to your peace of 
mind, but to the weight of your character 
and purse. 



third of thorn who, 

... the field labor of estates, arr co.nmoL ° ? 

employed in that work; or ii may he mor. ,ousl )' 
tosay lhal ool more than one tJ.ird the amemUof 
annual labor winch wa, formerly dedicated " the 

lotudae and from oar'^ta^ 1 
'-f withdrawn 



How Farm Work may be kei*t ahead. — We 
copy the following extract from a late Fnglish 

work of high repute, Stephen’s “Book of the | of an estate are no lonffe 
Farm." There is much practical acme in the ex- occasionally as jobber-twheo r .K.!!! an  *" rk , on 'r 
tract, which will be read .villi much benefit by our I dent settlements do not rcm.ir ,.° W " ln ,, 'P  ! "- 
farmor,: ““ ers confine thei r labors to th!ee T P rp , Mnc ' ■ 

After describing how every favorable day the week, mid very few irive J ” 

should be taken in preparing the land for wheat, standing, however, this enormo .. it ' - V,lwl,h ' 
beans, potatoes, turnips, tares or naked fallow, in amount of labor actually applied motw?aK°f "V""’ 
their respective order, he continues: the idleness and Jhievin* nwm 'humming 

And when every one of all these objects has against the peasantry, the firsUoTvea^of 

■ found little or nothing with on. third th,- n’u'mhcr™ Ire^ 



from sugar cultivation ultogetLF £ c to” 
girls who uaed to form the weeding and graL^anp 



been promoted, and the 
to do till the burst of spring-work comet, both hor- 
ses and men may enjoy u day's rest now and then, 
without incurring the risk of throwing work back; 
but before such recreations are indulged in, it 
should be ascertained that all the implements, 
great and small, have been repaired for work — the 
plough-irons all new laid; the harrow-tines new 
laid and sharpened, fastened firmly into the bulls 
of the harrow; the harness all tight and strong; the 
sacks new patched and mended, so that no seed- 
corn be spilt on the road; the seed-corn thrashed, 
measured up, and sacked, and what is last wanted 
put into the granary; the horse* new shod, so that 
no breaking or casting of a single shoe may throw 
a pair of horses out of work for even one single 
hour; in short, to have every thing prepared for 
work when the first notice of spring shall be her- 
alded in the sky. 

“But suppose the contrary of all this to happen; 
suppose the plough-irons and harrow-tines have to 
be laid and sharpened, when perhaps to-morrow 
they may be wanted in the w*ld; a stack to be 
thrashed for seed-corn or for horse's corn iu the 
midst of the sowing of a field — suppose, too, that 
only a weeks work has been lost, in winter, of a 
single pair of horses, and the consequence is, that 



( acres of land h; 



at least as large, and I believe 8 lvetl 

than the last u-n year, of slawry with ZS 5 roP * 
the hands. How 2 thia fact ^iaTn^'d ’ W 

cZl3 i* ,th an 4 abounding 

A, "‘ ho " 

the Island? We ahouTd ° f 

died by some intelligent practical man, for'reX 
it suggests subject, for consideration 
portanco, and well deserving of mature K- 
passionate consideration. It weald also L r 
lory, and prohhahlv useful to.ee "“i" ^ 

para live statamc.ts „f the expenses of un isute 
during slavery and freedom; for instance, whit 
WUT the expenses of an estate that made lOUlioo.- 

8U d., r ^ f^f a,l j!o- ,ni a * ”1* ''^’otilh^indighten^ 
aiid lead tofar different results than the mfschief 
an. ill-feeling winch are created bv the dogmatism 

incomm^o* " ,I, K- Wl,ich •» frequeSTheTr 
m conversations and discmmons relating t„ the state 
of tnd Island. It ..certainly consolatory to reflect 

tsYa n'ds ' h'‘ r n “ y haVC bc,m ,h - r,| c of some other 
Isl and., the average crop of Antigua has not di- 

she ha, had 



J have to to ploughed when they to strive against th- dhia, ro’is ifT ? 
should be sown, that isaloss ofn whole day of six eedented |5.y»ical evil which tin ^ I " Un|  "" 

pair of I, or,.-., or of ay, of two p ; ,ir—.op- measure Escaped The nrMo— r ^ ,n a ^ 

pose all these inconveniences to happen in the bn- 1 eccdinolv favonhi. ' for .! hls ye: 

sy season, and the provoking reflection occurs 
that the loss incurred now was occasioned by tri- 



fling oflputs in winter. Compare tho value ofthesc 
trifles with the inconvenience of finding you un- 
prepared for sowing beans or spring-wheat. Sup- 
pose, once more, that instead of having turnips in 
store for the cattle, when throat-seed is begun in 
the fields, and that instead of being able to pros- 
ecute that indispensable picco of work without in- 
terruption, you ere obliged to send away a portion 
of the draughts to bring iu turnips, which must be 
be brought in , and brought iu, too, from hand to 
mouth, it being impossible, iu the circumstances, 
to store them. In short, suppose the season of in- 
cessant labor arrives and finds you unprepared to 
attend to it; and what are the consequences? Ev- 
ery creature about you, man, woinan,and beast arc 
then toiled beyond endurance every day, not to 
keep up work, which is a lightsome task, but to make 
up work, which is a toilsome Lusk, but which you 
said you could easily do, when you were idling 
year time in a season you consider of little value; 
and, after all, this toil is bestowed in vain to obtain 
the end you wish, namely to prepare your crop in 
due season. You who are inexperienced in the evils 
of procrastination, may fancy this to be an over 
drawn picture — even an impossible case; but un- 
fortunately for that supposition it is drawn from 
the life. I have seen every incident occur which I 
have mentioned, both as to work being in a forward 
and a backward state. 



»s toltappsn ii. the bn- | ceedingly favorable, and with .contintiMMof a 

sonable wa.thea, ami the biassing „f God upon our 
rtions, the ensuing crop is likely U  
tc present — Antigua Observer. 



From the N. York Tribune. 

ELECTRICITY APPLIED TO VEGETATION. 

[We have been favored with the following letter, 
with permission to publish it in the Tribune:[ 

American Institute, April 26, 1845. 
Sir: The theory of the influence of Electricity 
Vegetation is by no means new — bnt thi 



agricultural   
large ; 



V ai-ue or the Produce or Different States. 
-.From the Annual Report of the Commissioner 
of Patents, to which wo have already all,, led as a 
most valuable document, and of which Congress 
ordered some 70,000 copies to lx- printed, we com- 
pife the following facts, founded upon estimate, 
about Hie agr, cultural produce of 1844 . 

Of Wheat there were produced ninety foe mil- 
turn bushels, worth perhaps on an average, 75 et,. 
perhushol, equal to $7 1 .250,000. Of this quanli- 
i i i P. , 11 '" largest, say about 16,000,000 

bushels, New 5 ork comes next, with about fifteen 
million; Virgin, a and Pennsylvania raised about 
the same quantity each, between ten and eleven 

nu ions. I ennossco comes next, with near seven 

million, and then Indiana with five and a half. 

Michigan ia next, four and a quarter millions, be- 
mSlion rC *' l!1 " **y nearly a quarter of a 

Of Oat. there were raised one hundred and sev- 
enty-two millions and a quarter bushels. In this 
gram . ew Y ork takes the lead considerably, pro- 
ucing o\cr thirty-one millions, Pennsylvania, 
twenty-four millions, Ohio twenty millions, Vir- 
ginia fourteen millions; Kentucky, Indiana,’ and 
*" ,no,, » eacf ? ^‘‘wcen ten and twelve millions;—' 

1 he value of Uu* crop, at an average of twenty 
cents per bushel, would be $34,000,000. 

Of Indiana Corn there were raised four hund- 
red and twenty-two million bushel*, equal at tvJbft- 
ty-five cents per bushel, to 105J million of dol-;* 
lars. ■ 

Tennessee is by far the largest raiser of this 
gram being down in the table for sixty-one mil- 
lion bushels; Kentucky and Ohio each raise about 



thuds of applying it are of recent discovery. The fa- j forty-eight millions, and Virginia thirty-eight In- 
miliar process which you observed in Paris a few i diona twenty-four; North Carolina, Georgia,’ and 
years ogo — of eousing seeds of Cress and oilier Alabama, about twenty-two each' New York 
plants to vegetate in a few hours— the establishing, Pennsylvania and Illinois, about nineteen each’ 
of poles iu fields of grain and grass with pointed South Carolina and Missouri about thirteen each’ 
wires, by which a perceptible increase of growth ] It is mainly, therefore, a product of the South and 
and difference of color were remarked — have cau- the Southwest. 



*ed experiments to be tried here. You may recol- 
lect that at a meeting of our Farmers’ Club on the 
2J of July, 1844, Mr. William Ross, of Rave us wood, 
(near this City,)pre*cntcd to the Club some Pota- 
toes, of which he gave the following account: 

The potatoes measure seven inches in circumfe- 
rence. He planted the seed potatoes ill May last, 
using leaves only for manure. To three rows of two 
hundred feet iu length, he applied at one end a 
plate of copper, and at tho other end one of zinc, 
and connected the two plates by a copper wire, sup- 
ported on an adjoining fence, so that with the 
moist earth of the the three rows, the electric cir- 
cuit was complete. All the potatoes of the field 
were planted at the same time, hut having no gal- 
vanic apparatus attached, have small potatoes of 
the size of peas. I removed all the blossoms of all 
the potatoes, and the stems and the leaves arc all 
much j like; so that this enormous difference in the 
Tubers is due to galvanism. 

Mr. Ross had succeeded also in a remarkable 
growth of Cucumbers — producing Cucumbers five 
inches long iu thirty-seven days from planting the 
seed, by applying electricity three times from u 
common Leyden jar. 

This interesting experiment was published on 
the 2d of July, 1844, in the papers of the Institute — 
republished in the Mechanics’ Magazine in Sep- 
tember, 1844 — also in the report of Mr. Ellsworth, 
80,000 copies were published by Congress; and is 
again presented in the London Quarterly Electri- 
cal Magazine, published in April, 1845 — also in the 
London Year Book of Facts, and in many other 
publications, all giving credit to the Amorican In- 
stitute. Since then experiments have boon tried in 
small pots, in this city, and the rapid growth of 
plants exhibited by similar galvanic process. 

It cannot yet be safely asserted that such a pre- 
ternatural growth of plants will be found of any 
great utility, but it excites curiosity amd will lead 



I otatoes the crop is put at one hundred mil- 
lion bushels, worth, at 20 cents, $20,000,000. New 
i°ir E* ,se# 8rvent °on Millions, Maiue twelve and 
a half, 1 ennsyl vania seven, Vermont six, Michigan 
five and a half, Massachusetts, N. Hampshire, and 
Ohio nearly five each. 

Of Hay there were seventeen million tons, worth 
at $6 per ton, $102,000,000; the second most val- 
uable product of American agriculture, doubling 
that of cotton, as will be seen below. New York 
raised about five million tons; Pennsylvania, Indi- 
ana, and Ohio, about two millions each; Maine 
and \ errnont, one and a quarter million each! Mas- 
sachusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut from 
six to seven hundred thousand pounds each; New 
Jerscv and Illinois, about three hundred and sev- 
enty five thousand each; and Virginia, four hund- 
red and forty-four thousand. 

Of Lotto n the crop is put at eight hundred and 
seventy- two million pounds, equal, at six cents per 

lb., to (uin a ... 



quantity two hundred and thirtoen’milliou pounds; 
Mississippi, one-hundred and ninety-five millions; 
Louisiana, one hundred and fifty-four millions; Al- 
abama, one hundred and forty millions; N. Caroli- 
na, fifty-one millions; South Carolina forty-nine, 
Tennessee thirty-nine; Arkansas fourteen, 
Florida nine millions. 

Of Sugar the estimate is for two hundred and 
one million pounds, equal, nt 2i cents per lb., to 
$5,0!J(),000. Louisiana pr« luces one hundred and 
sixty million pounds, and the next highest is In- 
diana, with her maple sugar, seven aud a quarter 
mill ions; Ohio and Vermont oach produce about 
four and a quarter millions. 

Of Rice there are one hundred and eleven mil- 
lion pounds. South Carolina has almost nmionop- 
°ly °f thi* staple, raising about eighty-four mftQon 
pounds. Georgia raises between seveteen mid 
eighteen millions, and Louisiana about five mil- 



full trials — aud th** influence of the fluid upon 
the growth of animals as well as vegetables will ! Of Tobacco there are grown about on© Imndred 
be tried. This use of electricity was first applied and fifty-two million pounds. Kentucky takes^be 
by the late Dr. Felix .Pascal is, Chairman of (he load in this article, raising about fifty-'eightmll- 
Silk Committee of tho American Institute, a* long I lions; Tennessee and Virginia each raise about 
ago as the year 1828, to promote the growth of thirty-three millions; Missouri twelve, Ohio six, 
silk worms, ho experimented and successfully an- and Maryland not much over a half a million lbs. 
plied it. These experiments of Doctor Pascalis From thi* estimate of the quantity tyid value of 
were noticed by some of th*- most eminent French I the chief agriculthrul crops of the United States' * 
chemists, and commented upon by Ihe scientific it results that Indian Corn is the most valuable of^. 
journals of France. We know that in Northern all our products. Hay cmnes ncxt^ind only juat^ 
climates, where tho Summer season is short, and below. Its value exceed* that of wheat, which • 
where the Aurora Borealis is almost a constant comes third, about 50 per cent., and doubles that 
meteor, vegetation is nearly double in rapidity, of of Cotton, which stands fourth. Oats stand fifth,’ 
that in temperate latitudes. and Potatoes sixth. ' 

1 trust that some intelligent members will this * ’ 

tmer try the galvanic citruit upon all our im- 1 A second ntittuh race between Fashion 

•?nne oft’ on the Camdcii 



Mth those gr* 



compa 

th*- natural w; 



that it **«urw\ Now Jerscv. on th** 30th instant. 



THE TRIE 



‘GOD AND LI BERT V. 



LEXINGTOJI, TUESDAY, JUNE 3 



(KtEditokial Department. — Some of 
llie ablest statesmen anil scholars of this 
Sthte, have agreed to assist in editing this 
paper, an([ as my pursuits will not always 
allow me to revise and comment upon their 
editorials, some diversity of opinion, upon 
the great questions at issue, will necessarily 
occur. 

C. M. CLAY. 

OirAll who have paid for the True 
American , in advance, shall be furnished 
with receipts in the next number. 



OCtCity Subscribers. — Until the car- 
rier becomes fully acquainted with his route 
and the places at which papers are to be left 
in the city, he will probably fail to furnish 
some of our city subscribers. Every one 
who may happen to be thus neglected will 
please call and make the fact immediately 
known, and give directions where his pa| er 
shall be deposited. 

Since the proposition to publish this 
paper was made, events have transpired 
which sink our original design, important 
as we deemed it, into utter insignificance, 
compared with the great principles which 
are now at issue. 

The question is now no longer, whether 
six hundred thousand Kentuckians shall 
postpone their true prospertiy to the real, 
or supposed interests of some thirty-one 
thousand slave-holders, but whether they 
are prepared to yield up, absolutely, all 
their liberties, and submit themselves wil- 
ling slaves to a despotic and irresponsible 
minority. The slave party have underta- 
ken to say, not that they claim the Consti- 
tution as the title-deed to their slaves, 
which no man can cancel until the very 
foundations of the Government be forcibly 
overthrown, or peaceably changed by legal 
means, through the omnipotent will of the 
majority — but themselves trampling under 
foot all the vital principles of that Consti- 
tution — they set at defiance its special 
injunctions, by an anarchical and revolu- 
tionary power — violating natural right, 
Divine Revelation, and the conscience of 
the civilized world. 

The representatives of this faction, 

“ Junius in the Observer A Reporter, and 
“A Wing” and Robert Wickliffc, in the 
Kentucky Gazette, whose letters we publish 
to-day, have more or less taken the ground 
that the subject of slavery shall not be 
discussed, and that violence shall suppress 
our press. 

Here, upon this issue, then, we take our 
stand, and are ready to “ try conclusions” 
With these gentlemen, before a gallant 
people, in the face of the world. We most 
frankly admit that we are not so Quixotic as 
to seek a fight with a mob; we know that 
wo can be overpowered by numbers; yet, 
from the defence of our known rights, we 
arc not to be deterred by vague threats or 
real dangers, coming from any mail or set 
of men. As we should deem ourselves a 
base citizen of a Commonwealth, if we 
were not prepared at all times, if necessary, 
to fall in the defence of our country against 
a foreign foe, s6, we shall ever fearlessly 
meet the treasonable and revolutionary 
enemies of Constitutional liberty at home. 
Though under the ban of popular proscrip- 
tion, baited by the wide-spread tongue of 
slander, and the relentless denunciations of 
men in power, set on by bands of hireling 
assassins, still, undismayed, planting our- 
selves upon the firm basis of our birthright 
Constitutional liberty, and the \Vorld- Vide 
principles 6f truth and justice, we hurl 
back indignant defiance against these cow- 
ardly outlaws. We can die, but cannot be 
enslaved. 

The Constitution of the United States, 
Article 1st, h. says: “Congress shall make 
no la# * * * abridging the freedom 

of speech or of the press.” Article 10th, 
Section 7th, of the Kentucky Constitution, 
declares, that “The free communion, of 
thoughts and Opinions is one of the in- 
valuable rights of man, rind every citizen 
may freely sptrik, write, or print on any 
subject, beiug responsible for the abuse of 
that liberty.” Now every tyro in the 
lowest attorney’s office knows that this re- 
sponsibility is for libel or treasonable mat- 
ter, (if after the definition of treason in the 
Constitution of the United States, any thing 
less than “levying war,”  fcc. could be con- 
sidered punishable,) and to a “jury of our 
peers,” as JarrteS Kent has no where denied, 
and not to a“moi,” as Junius would have it. 
For, if this man, grossly ignorant as he is 
of the great principles of common law and 
natural right, had looked at the very next 
section [8] of the Kentucky Constitution, 
he might have saved himself from the 
ridicule and contempt, if not from the in- 
dignation of men. 

K, then, Junius shall, single-handed, fall 
upon us when alone, and take our life and 
suppress our publications, he will be guilty 
of murder. If he shall come with num- 
bers to back him, he will most probably find 
us, too, sustained by some Kentuckians who 
yet dare to be free ;— the contest in that event 
may aspire to the dignity of a civil war, in 
which we shall bo found fighting inthe cause 
of the Constitution and Liberty, and they 
in the cause of Slavery, in rebellion against 
both. In such a contest, !• shall not (bar 
the result : 

“ That point 

“ In misery which makes the onpn-sed man 

•• Regardless of his own life makes' him too 

“ Lord of his oppressor’s.” 

Still we" are not men of blood, and 
to shew the pacific that we are economi- 
cal in that precious fluid, if nothing 
but a fight will satisfy this rampant knight 
of the scalpel, we propose that he supercede 
this projected civil war by the less heroic, 
but more harmless mode of the duel. If 
he slay us, the press shall stop; if we slay 
him, then never shall doctor’s lancet draw 
blood more. Here, I must confess, I make 
but little show of courage, for I fall in with 
the opiuion which generally prevails among 
my own gallant countrymen, that mob 
leaders are inevitable cowards. Genuine 
braverv and mainunimitvevcr go togethr 



and a mau of large chivuiric soul scorns to 
take odds against a single foe. “ Ne su'.or 
ultra crcpidam.” Let Junius stick to his 
bolus; there is more death in his mortar 
than in his sword; none but unresisting 
victims mark his prowess. A man out- 
lawed from the social circle by his in- 
famy, may well aspire to become a cut- 
throat, if numbers should ensure him his 
wonted impunity in the perpetration of 
crime. I should rather judge “A Whig” 
from his hesitating tone, to be a tame and 
harmless villain, and we can hardly waste 
udignation enough to repeat, 

— “ Thou cream faced loon, 

** Where gottest thou that goose look?” 

Of all men living, Robert Wicklffe 
should be the last to speak of popular ven- 
geance. He stands a living, but ungrateful 
monument of the forbearing mercy of the 
people. The victims of incendiary publi- 
cations have not yet imbrued their hands in 
the blood of this man, who for years has 
not scrupled to aggrandise his political 
power by the most dangerous insinuations 
against the lives and property of the com- 
munity. The armies of men, women and 
children whom he has robbed by the dis- 
honest jugglery of the law — men who have 
seen the beds stripped from sick and help- 
less women — bread from the mouths of 
crying infancy — the plough-share run sac- 
rilegiously over the buried ashes of their 
fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters and chil- 
dren, by this inexorable fiend of the laic, 
have not come up in mass, in their great 
and remediless woe, and thrown his torn 
limbs to the dogs: and yet he stands, at the 
age of seventy, advocating violence. Let 
this old mail beware! Docs he want 
another family picturespread out upon those 
walls, built up by the tears and blood of the 
poor and oppressed, whose cries for redress 
and vengeance, he confesses, shakes him in 
his guilty homo. 

Here ’midst the settled gloom which rests 
upon a house forever dishonored, may be 
seen Breckenridge, returning after a long 
exile of patient wrong and unresisting 
persecution, and with one fell blow, crush- 
ing into the lowest depths of infamy, the 
man whom the sinccrest follower of the long 
suffering Martyr of Judea, could no longer 
look upon and live unavenged. 

Here is Henry Clay, of Ashland, his 
friend in the days of his deepest woe, who 
saved the only one of his race worthy of 
such a champion from a felon’s death — 
the blood flows from a thousand wounds 
inflicted by the tooth of cruel and remorse- 
less slander, foremost among the blood- 
hounds who thrust their insatiate muzzles 
into his very life's blood, is Robert Wick- 
liffe. 

Here is a great and gallant and confiding 
party, who have stood by him in good and 
evil report, through along life, conferring 
upon him its repeated, though undeserved 
honors, at last, in 1841, in the day of its 
greatest trial, he basely deserts and goes off) 
he and his, to the enemy ; and yet he, with 
a face of more than metal, dares insult a 
virtuous community by talking of double 
dealing in politicians! 

Here is a young and lovely girl raped by 
a ruffian negro. When her imploring and 
streaming eyes were upturned tohimosonc 
of the propounders of the law, asking ven- 
geance for the violated purity of a virgin 
soul, he dared to strike a yet more deadly 
blow, by insinuating that this humble daugh- 
ter of the people was a common prostitute. 
How can lie talk of a mob, at this late day, 
without trembling at the remembrance of 
the popular indignation which had then 
well nigh executed on him the vengeance 
which his crimes so richly deserve. 

When a citizen of Fayette was poisoned 
by that degraded population which he 
would make perpetual among us, who cov- 
ertly and insidiously procured her pardon 
of the Executive of the State? And yet ho 
ventures to impute to others the encourage- 
ment of rape and poison! Old man, re- 
member poor Banning — remember Trotter, 
the avenger — remember Russell’s cave — 
and if you still thirst for bloodshed and 
iolcncc, the same blade that repelled the 
assaults of assassin-sons, once more in 
self-defence, is ready to drink Of the blood 
of the hireling horde of sycophants and 
outlaws of the assassin-sire Of assassins. 

We pass from these men, whose frontless 
baseness has turned us from our purpose of 
avoiding, if possible, all personal controver- 
sies, to the great mass of slave-holders, 
whom they, I know, do not fairly represent. 

I beg them to remember, that the Consti- 
tution is the sole basis of slave tenure, as 
well as landed estate; they who have every 
thing to lose, and nothing to gain by revo- 
lution, in my humble judgment, should be 
the last to avow the doctrine, “Snare qui 
peut,” and cut loose from all Constitutional 
moorings. We are not anarchists Or agra- 
rians; we claim to be conservatives of the 
highest ordov; and for this reason and no 
Other reason, than because wearesuch, wo 
intend, if our humble life is spared, to look 
into the very bottom of thisthingof slavery, 
and see whether it be a safe foundation of 
prosperity to us and our children, Or not. 
We come not to bring war, but peace-— to 
save, not to destroy. We have no interests 
separate from those of the great moss of 
our fellow citizens. We intend to share 
their dangers, or rejoice in their rescue; 
but in good and evil report, we are enforced 
to abide the same destiny. We feel deeply 
the responsibility of our post; it strips us 
of ndl personal ambition and private ends; 
we ask, therefore, the just and patient for- 
bearance of our countrymen. Far be it 
from us to wound, unnecessarily, their 
sensibilities, or to wantonly run counter to 
their rooted prejudices: but wc are con- 
strained to speak boldly and honestly, look- 
ing neither to the right nor to the left, in 
our search after truth ; advocating our cause 
as if not Kentucky only, but all mankind 
were our judge, ami posterity the jury of 
our award. 

If wc fail in our purposes, our friends 
shall not blush for us, nor our enemies 
lightly triumph. When our mission on 
earth shall have ended, it shall be said of 
us, if we attained not the high mark of our 
fondly cherished aspirations, we dared 
much, in our humble way. for the vindica- 
tion of the liberties of men; — if we, by 
the stern and inexorable dcerc: of fate, fi ll 



short of the c .tablisliment of the right, w* 
never, knowingly, defended tin: wrung. 



LYNCH LAW. 

The following extract fromj. H. Green’s 
account of a visit to the New York Auburn 
State prison, we commend to “Junius” and 
his comrades: 

“I looked at tho murderer and could scarcely be- 
lieve my own eyes; yel he stood before me a living 
marvel. I have pledged sccresy as to his real 
name until after his execution. I interrogated him 
on his first steps in vice, and how he became so- 
hardened. He told me to remember the treat 
meet he had received from the Lynchers’ lash 
at Vicksburg. I did, but mv eyes could scarcely 
credit reality. I had known hint in 1632, 3, 4, and 
the early part of '35, as a barkeeper in Vicksburg. 

He was never a shrewd card player, but at that 
time was considered an innoffensive youth. The 
coffee house he kept was owned by North, who 
with four others were executed on the 5th of July, 
1835, by Lynch law. Wyatt and three others 
- taken on the morning of the 7th, stripped 
and one thousand lashes given to the four, tarred 
and feathered, and put into a canoe und set adrift 
on the Mississippi River. It makes my blood cur- 
dle and my flesh quiver to think of the suffering 
condition of these unfortunate men, set adrift on 
the morning of the “lit of July, with the broiling 
sun upon their mangled bodies. Two died in about 
two hours after they w ere set afloat. Wyatt and 
another remained with their bands and feet bound 
forty hours, suffering more than tongue can tell or 
pen describe, when they were picked up by some 
slave negroes, who started with the two sure 
their quarters. His companion died before they 
arrived. Wyatt survives to tell the horrors of the 
Lynchers’ lash. He told me seven murders had 
been occasioned by their unmerciful treatment of 
him, and one innocent man hung. I know his 
statements to be true, for I had known him before 
1835, and his truth in other particulars cannot be 
doubted. He murdered his seventh man, for which 
crime he will be executed. I have another com- 
munication for your paper concerning the murder- 
er and his prospects in the world to come. 

Yours, truly, J. H. GREEN. 

Auburn, April lfl, 1845. 



in Venice . .Iiicltlud 1 \ the inviolate ani lity 
of the law, defies the omnipotent council of 
the haughty republic: 

llassanio. A nd I beseech you 
Wrest once the law to your authority. 

To do a great right, do a little wrong; 

And curb tliis cruet devil of his ivilT. 

A “Junius” he, except he had a soul. — 
But such was not the wisdom of the immor- 
tal poet. In the ever memorable words of 
Portia, Lynch law finds its grave — no Juni- 
us nor banded outlaws can ever resurrect it 
from its sleep of death: 

Portia. It must not be: there is no power in Venice 
Con alter a decree established . 

Twill be recorded for a precedent: 

And many an error, by the same example, 

Will rush into the State. It cannot be. 



Wc are under great obligations to a large 
portion of the American press for the very 
flattering notice which they have taken in 
advance of this paper. Among those in 
our own State, who have given us a favora- 
ble word, we have seen the Louisville Jour- 
nal, the Courier and Democrat, the Shelby 
News, the Frankfort Commonwealth, the 
Farmer’sChronicle and the Bardstown Ga- 
zette. 



The lynching of the gamblers in Vicks- 
burg has ever boon regarded by reflecting 
men, as murder. It is vain for the perpe- 
trators of that notorious crime, to tell us 
that these gamblers were outlaws and cut 
lit roats ; t he re we re also there judges, ju rors, 
police officers, and a populous country. — 
These nten.howeverabandoned, had thrown 
themselves upon the majesty of the law for 
defence, and by that law they should have 
fallen, or have stood forever intact. If a 
single citizen had have stolen in the night 
and stabbed the gamblers to the heart, 
when wrapped in slumber, the crime would 
have stood out in its real colors; a number 
of citizens going in mass, in open day, in 
overpowering odds, only in degree reduced 
the crime in the ratio of the number and 
armament of the offenders in comparison 
to the number and armament of the attack- 
ed. Crime is ever short sighted; in fact 
that conduct which the wise of all age3 
have marked as destructive of man’s be3t 
interests, that is crime. The ends of this 



Harry 1. Bodley, Esq., of this city, lots 
been appointed, by the Governor, Auditor 
of the State, vice Ben. Selby, Sr., deceas- 
ed. 



The French House of Peers have passed 
an act for the gradual emancipation of all 
slaves in the colonial dominions of that 
power. It is denied certain that the depu- 
ties will concur in the passage of the act, 
and make it a law. The plan to be adopt- 
ed, as provided in lilt} bill, is the allowance 
of a certain portion of time to each slave, 
every week, in which to labor for himself, 
the proceds to be appropriated to his ran- 
som, until a sum sufficient shall have been 
accumulated. 



“The Independent Democrat,” is the 
title of a fine sheet just started in Manches- 
ter, N. H. It ably vindicates the late 
noble conduct of G. P. Hale, upon the 
annexation question — it shews the ground 
now occupied by Mr. Hale, was that of the 
N. H. Democracy, up to the assembling of 
the National Convention that nominated 
Mr. Polk. Success to the friends of liberty, 
no matter in what party found. 



Fatal Accident. — A report reached 
here, by yesterday’s mail, that a most 
dreadful accident had occurred on the Cam- 
den, New Jersey, race course. The ex- 
meu ; mey inuugiu i P octcd race between Fashion and Peytona 
rity by violence, ( t * le 9UCOni l meeting of those celebrated 
what was the result? some of the best blood hod attracted an immense concourse 



mob have never been attained ; they thought 
to secure peace and security by violence. . 



in Vicksburg was shed in that contest; 
the gamblers were ousted, but the blood of 
the murdered men still cries aloud from the 
ground for vengeanoe. It is said that this 
fraternity have sworn eternal enmity 
against Vicksburg. It has been burnt again 
and again, by these armed men, who have 
sprung up as from the sown Dragon’s teeth, 
and no man can foretell the end of these 
woes that hang over the doomed city. — 

This convict confesses seven murders in 
consequence of this outrage — what else can 
men expect? they that sow the wind shall 
reap the whirlwind! 

Monstrous cruelty and wrong never deter 
from crime, but on the contrary, by disturb- 
ing the elements of virtuous intent afid 
religious faith, as well as the basis of whole- 
some public opinion, which with weak 
minds is too often tha^only rule of action, 
they quicken into life the worst passions 
and the foulest deeds. The theory of so- 
ciety is taken to be this: every man yields 
up to government his right of offence (or 
any injtlry, and his right of defence, in all 
cases where it is possible for the strong arm J. ca , |y w ' ritten „ cnr j to thc New York 



of spectators; and the principal stand, 
three stories high, was literally filled to 
overflowing, with a dense mass of persons, 
among them many ladies. At the moment 
when the horses where brought to the post, 
and were on the eve of starting, the above 
named stand fell to the earth, with a loud 
crash, killing and mangling a great number 
of the unfortunate beings who fell with it. 
The number tilled is variously reported at 
from 50 to 200, and those who had limbs 
and bones broken, and otherwise injured, 
there has been no computation. The loss 
of life and injuries sustained were horrible 
to think of. The race was postponed in 
consequence of this sad occurrence. 

From tin* Observer and Reporter. 

Me. W ICKLli'FE, 

Sir: — In calling the attention of the pub 
lie to a report of Mr. Wm. C. Bell’s speech 
in the Abolition Convention lately held in 
the city of New York, where he is repre- 
sented as my “ partner ” in the T rue Ameri- 
can, you have, no doubt unintentionally, 
placed me in a false position. I have al- 



of the law to come to the rescue; and the 
great law of self-defence does not oxist ex- 
cept in extreme cases, when it is incumbent 
on the defendant to show that to have await- 
ed the slow progress of the civil power 
would have been utter ruin, for which so- 
ciety could have made no amends. Now I 
take it that if these postulates be true, then 
in all cases, whatever, Lynch law is a crim t ' 
of the darkest dye in organised society, and 
in no case justifiable. Or we may state the 
case thus: if any offence is punished 

by lynch law, before it can lx? justified the 



Tribune, disavowing any connection what- 
ever with Mr. Bell’s sentiments upon Infi- 
delity and Abolition. I deem it only neces- 
sary to say now, that Mr. Bell is not our 
partner in any respect — he has no interest 
in the paper whatever, and no more part 
in conducting it than you have. It is well 
known to this community that l have ever 
stood for the Union: and if I have ever 
been tautological upon any subject, it has 
been upon this; often giving way to my 
profound sense of the necessity of the 
Union to the preservation of our liberties 



lynchers must show that tt is better that all an(| national glory  nt thc clpcns0 „f g0 otl 
society be dissolved, than that the offence tast0 in composi , ion . Although no man is 
should go unpunished. By tins rule, the mQre than [ am of thc cviU of 

slayers of Utterback, (I believe this is the s ) avel .y j ; t has never been’ consistent with 
name of thc man lynched by the Kentuck- ! y rea , feelil]g3 or iJca , of truc po licv to 
inns near Cine, nnati.) were murderers— lie- dea , in indiscriminate denunciation of slave- 
cause it was better that this murderershould holder8 . 0 .,e may very well feci acutely 
have gone unwhipt of justice, than that all (he violation of g J ncral principles, and yet 
law should have been trampled under foot; 
or that the tacit covenant which every 
man has made with all the members of so- 
ciety, to yield up the right of offence or 
vengeance, should have been perfidiously 
and sacreligiously broken. And when the 
murderers of Utterback say to us, what! 
should this man who had cut the threat of 
his fellow man, for the sake of gold, and left 
him for dead, go unwhipt of justice bucausc 
the law had notanticipatedjustsuchacasc? 

We say yes, and you yourselves have done 
in very fact what he in design merely at- 
tempted ; and yet you are still yourselves 
unpunished — the very thing you complain 
of in ethers. Givcrus back our savage life, the 
scalping knife, the poisoned arrow, the war 
club, the cave, the brushwood, the prairie 
grass, the sharpened sense of aggression, 
vengeance, and defence, or spread over us 
the sacred panoply of inexorable and eter- 
nal law. The great master of the human 
mind and heart surely never conceived that 



deeply sympathise with thc self-mbdb vic- 
tims of error — the man who inflicts evil is 
more to be pitied than the one who suffers 
it. Such at least is my own experience. 

With regard to the Christian religion it 
is not necessary that I should defend my- 
self, farther than by saying, that I am not 
aware that there is any man in Kentucky, 
not a member of any association of Chris- 
tians, who has giveu so much to the pecu- 
niary support of the chtrrch as I have. I 
utterly despise hypocritical cant upon any 
subject; I believe my ideas of God and na- 
ture are fixed, and I have no desire to 
change them, yet I will say that there is 
not a precept of the Christian religion 
which does not meet a deep response in 
every power of my intellect, in every sen- 
sation of my heart; the rewards and con- 
solations it holds out to thc poor, the long 
suffering, the afflicted, the oppressed; its 
sublime sentiments of love, forgiveness and 
self-denial ; its glorious aspirations of per- 
ffiere could be a conservative principle in fectjon; knowledge and immortality, prove 

it, if not Divine, at least our highest con- 
ception of Divinity. In fine, although I 
am tolerant of the opinions of all men on 
all subjects, I do not hesitate to avow that I 
have no sympathy whatever with Infidelity ; 
on the contrary it shall ever be as it always 
has been, one of the objects of my life, to 
persuade men to a loftier appreciation of 
true Christianity, as the best basis of human 
happiness, true glory, liberty and civiliza- 
tion. C. M. CLAY. 

Lexington, Ky., May 28th, 1845. 



Lynch law: — 

Shjloek. What judgment shall I dread, doing no 
wrong? 

You have among you many a purchased slave, 
Which, like your ass *s, and your dogs, and mules, 
You use in abject and in slavish parts, 

Because you bought them: — Shall I say to you, 
Let them be free, and marry them to your wives? 
Why sweat they under burdens? let their beds 
Be made as soft as yours, and let tlioir pal.-.trs 
Be scasohed tvith such viands? You will answer 
THe slaves are ours.— So do I answer you: 

Thc pound of llfesh, which I demand of him, 

Is dearly bought, is mine and I will have it; 

It* you deny me, fie upon your hue! 

There is no force in the decrees of Venice: 

1 stand lor judgment; onswer, shall I have it - '” 

And again : 

Shylock. If you deny it, let the danger light 
l ? pon your charter and your city’s freedom 

Here this “damned inexorable dog” (to 
use the words of G rattan©) plotting th»* 
murder in cold blood, of the worthiest man 



i itssirs .M. Clay. — V cocrespoudent 
writes to us in the following strain: — 
.Messrs. Editors:— I discov. r that you are an ad- 
vocate of Cassiu* M. Clay, and prepaid to sustain 
his course in relation to the slaves shipped in, and 
sold at New Orleans. I am no advocate for slavery, 
and believe Kentucky can never realize her great 
natural advantages, till relieved from this burthen. 
But let us judge Mr. Clay from his own letter. — 
“ A trust slave, named Emily, I hive every reason 
to believe, in 1843, killed with poison, our infant 
child, and again in 1845, attempted to poison our 
infant, since born; she is nowin thc Lexington jail, 
subject to the laics, of thc country. Her mother, 
and brother, and daughter, I sent to New Orleans, 
and sold them there, because I knew them to be 
abettors of the crime of Emily, and because in t 
doing, I was fulfilling the desire of my fa the 
hose will, us executor, I am bound by oath to ful 
!. His language being, ‘I recommend in 
here slaves behave amiss, that they should be 
sold.’ ” Emily was one of the trust slav 
had every reason to believe she had been guilty of 
inurdcr. Her mother, and brother, and daughter, 
he kneic to be abettors of the crime. The first 
where be did not know but believed in her guilt 
he sends her to jail, to suffer thc penalty of thc 
law, as a murderer. The mother, brother and 
daughter, whom he knew to be abettors, he send; 
to New Orleans for sale, regardless of their pro 
pe unity to abet murder; not regarding thc lives o 
others, if his own family be free from danger. — 
Would he slander the memory of his father by 
saying such was his wislT, when he has not so writ 
ten in his will. His words are, “if they behav 
amiss." Surely thc word amiss would not extend 
to murder. 

Inform me what is meant by thc following: “and 
that thc rights of the free white laborers of this 
Union are yet to be vindicated, if not avenged.' 

I trust, for the reputation of your friend, if I right- 
ly understand the import of this threat, that his 
mind is not unhinged. 

Yours, No Advocate for Slavery 

l'irst wcare put down as the advocate of 
.Mr. Clay. Not so! Still les3 are we pre- 
pared to sustain bis course in relation to 
the slaves shipped to and sold at New Or- 
leans. But this we are, and this, too, we 
stand prepared to do: — we are his friend, 
go had in hand with him in the great ob- 
ject lie seeks to accomplish, and without 
reference to minor matters — without refer- 
ence to thc past, and, if you please, the er- 
rors of the past — we desire to keep that ob- 
ject steadily before thc public mind, and our 
So far as to the general remark of 
our correspondent. 

Second, as to the case itself. It is easy 
for us, calm listeners or lookers on, to say 
what ought to have been done. It is very 
hard for any one situated as Mr. Clay was 
to determine what to do . Look at it. 
slave is guilty of murder-— of the murder 
of your own child. That is known. The 
law is put in force against her whether you 
desire it or not ; thc public demand it. But 
you ascertain that three other slaves, moth 
er, brother and daughter, are abettors; you 
know it; but you knoic^ also, if delivered 
up, that they, too, will die. Further, you 
believe that they were made abettors to thc 
horrible crime through thc villainy and 
cunning, and near relationship of the chief 
murderer. You cannot free them; for that 
thc law prohibits; but you have it in your 
power, by one word — by one act— to say 
whether these abettors shall live or die. If 
you inform the law officers, their doom is 
sealed. If you send them away, they live 
and will so live, in your opinion, as to do 
no harm to any human being, and to be un 
der the direction of a good master. Thc 
responsibility certainly, in thc case sup- 
posed, is a fearful one; and it is hard to say 
what any of us would do; nay, to determine 
what is right; for it will be borne in mind, 
first, that these abettor-slaves could not be 
set free — second, if retained in Kentucky, 
that their lives were forfeited; and, third, 
that they were sold, to avoid this sad alter- 
native, to a purchaser who knew the his- 
tory of thc whole matter. We think thc 
law ought to have been left to take its own 
course. We wish Mr. Cla v had so thought. 
For then lie would have been consistent, 
and his actions kept in harmony with this 
great doctrine, that man should not be the 
appressor of man. And had lie possessed 
less of generous, individual feeling, and 
more of reflective justice — had he thought 
with his head instead of his heart — wc 
doubt not he would have pursued this 
course. Tliis case, then, may lead us to 
doubt his self control and wisdom as a lead- 
er, or a legislator; but, if we understand it 
aright, it would make us love him more as 
man. 

Third, we are asked to ray what Mr. 
Clay means when he says; “and that thc 
rights of thc free white Laborers of this 
Union are yet to be avenged Well — 
what is the position of this class in thc 
Slave States? That of degradation. They 
are the main sufferers; thc curse of slavery 
falls on them, and on their families, with 
the withering effect of the fiercest fir^blast. 

Is it not strauge that a wrong so monstrous 
should be tolerated? Is it wonderful, when 
the mind of thc slave-holder is roused to 
its extent, that he should speak of it in a 
language commensurate? #ith the mighty 
evil so quietly practised, and so meekly 
borne? But our correspondent refers to 
the word — “avenged,” Let him calm his 
fears. No violence is intended — none 
dreamed of. Moral means are thc only 
means our friend proposes using: legal re- 
form, the great reform he seeks to accom- 
plish. And the avenging will lie the estab- 
lishment in Kentucky of universal freedom 
for mau! Is there aught in this to show 
that M r. Clay’s mind is unhinged ? Not so! 
Not so! And our correspondent, if lie took 
this view of the subject, would lx? as ready 
to uphold — to cheer on this really fearless 
— and generous hearted man, as wc arc. 



Tift Crowned Heads. — Paris, ia thc month of 
August next, will exhibit thc imposing aud excit- 
ing spectacle of no less than six crowned heads at 
one.and the same time, viz: Louis Prrillippe himself, 
the Queen of England, the King of the Belgians, 
the King of Naples, the Queen of Spain, and t!i»* ' 
King of Holland. — Lou. Journal. 



Mankind are all Brethren. — All phi- 
losophy will be found finally defective, 
which is not sufficiently enlarged to include 
‘the greatest happiness of thc greatest 
number.” Temporary prosperity may in- 
deed be attained even under the influence 
of a partial system, from the influences of 
external circumstauces, which may control 
for a time the natural tendency of exclusive 
favors to produce moral degradation among 
thc mass of society ; but the seeds of de- 
struction will vegetate sooner or later in a 
soil of corruption, and what was intended 
for a blessing . to fe to, will prove a curse to 
the whole. Then let mankind become con- 
inced that they arc all brethren — mem- 
bers of one family, the great society of 
man — that the happiness of the Jew can 
best be secured by promoting. the rights and 
happiness of the many, w ithholding from 
none the common civilities of social inter- 
course, treating none with a spirit of cold- 
ness and neglect, common to none but those 
possessed of mean, narrow and contracted 
minds, and how soon would society bo a 
source of almost unalloyed happiness. — 
But to improve society and free it from thc 
many evils that hang around it, there must 
be a change, in many respects, in public 
opinion, for a reformation in public opinion 
must always precede a reformation in pub- 
habit. 

This must he effected by the power of 
truth. Error is sure to pass away, but 
truth forever remains. Convince mankind, 
allured by the expectation of happiness, 
thai the road to which you would direct 
them leads to it, and that you make truth 
your guide, and they will listen to you with 
attention. Excite a sense of shame in the 
breasts of those who are the tools of thc 
designing to destroy the social rights ot 
their fellow citizens, and you will rouse all 
the energies of human nature to oppose the 
subversion of the laws of social enjoyment. 
Teach inaukind that society is an institu- 
tion for their good, and they will defend it. 
Expose those mysterious arts which hold 
lb* world iu chains and darkness, let the 



|ri“ pl ’ lx* ruiiwn - I how of:* u ill ir 
••p'duliiy lias been imposed upon, and the\ 
will resume with one accord the use of 
f heir faculties, and vindicate the honor of 
tiie great society of thc human race.— 
And convince them that the ties of sympa- 
thy arc so strong, that one in this society 
cannot suffer without affecting the whole, 
that their knowledge will be equally exten- 
sive, at least, and their sympathy no lc ^3 in 
the future time than the present, and they 
will see that a part cannot be completely 
happy unles-i all arc blest, and hence that 
all must eventually enter into the enjoy- 
ment of universal bliss. This sentiment 
would free their minds from the most fear- 
ful apprehensions of the future, and the 
world would be at peace. — Boston Times. 



•Jmv aiu Liv**rj» ».,l «t $■ * a 2 “.‘per :’.«ck 

ro»Acc).— Sal*:.- have been active during 
p.i; f week, with rather lex? firmiiea*in pri**** p.t 
Trtjd'K or oil ware -house 189 hhd*. "f Tabusto 
have been cold at thc following price-; fv fir.t 
rata from 3 dol. 25 to 5 col. 50; second rate from 1 
del. 75 to 3 do!.; third rat? from 1 do!. 25 to Idol. 
50. A fine hhd. "'raised by B. Henderson, Ov*"ft 
county, la., sold for 6dOl. 70, andon^ hhd. byJno. 
j Mil lx, of ih-* same county, for 5 doi. 95. 

I Wool. — This article command* rcauily 18 to 20c 
j f or unvy.vh? i, an-J 28 a 30c. for washed, as in qual- 
ity* TIm arrivals arc considerable. A greater pro- 
portion thin usual contains burs, which greatly rc- 
j duct* its yalur. 

V, hiskey. — ^ csterday sales were made from 
wagons and at the river at 20 a and rectified 
• t 30c.. which have been about the current rates for 



tin. ■ 



Slavery the Enemy of Genius. — T hc 
number of American Poets, according to 
Mr. Griswold’3 book, is eighty-five. It is 
an interesting and instructing and instruc- 
tive fact, that almost all of them are natives 
of free States. 

The following statement, on this point, 
reveals a fact which wise men will serious- 
ly ponder: 

The number of poets is eighty-five. Of 
these, from Maine there are six, including 
John Neal, N. P. Willis, II. W. Longfel- 
low; from New Hampshire, two; from Ver- 
mont, two; — one of whom is Hannah F. 
Gould; from Massachusetts, rockv, iccv, 
manufacturing Massachusotts, twenty-six— 
among which are R. H. Dana, Charles 
Sprague, William Cullen Bryant, J. G. 
Whittier, Oliver W. Holmes, Park Benja- 
min, Jones Very, Epes Sergent, James R. 
Lowell, and .Maria Brooks, known as Maria 
del Occidente, the poetess of passion ; from 
Connecticut, trading, sober Connecticut, 
fifteen — among whom are John Pierpont, 
James G. Percival, Fitz Green Ilalleck, 
Lydia II. Sigourney; from Rhode Island, 
two; from New Yo’rk, eighteen — including 
Joseph R. Drake, Charles Fenno Hoffman, 
Lucretia and Margaret Davidson; from 
New Jersey, three; from Pennsylvania, 
two; from Ohio, one; from Maryland, four; 
from the District of Columbia, one; and 
from South Carolina, one — including Wash- 
ington Allston, who from thc total uncon 
geniality with his native state, fixed his re 3 
idencc from early youth in New England 
Thc general result may bo stated thus: — 
Poets from New Englane, fifty three; from 
all other states, excepting New England 
and New York, fourteen; from the free 
States seventy seven ; from thb slave States, 
eight. 

From the Louisville Price Current, .May 31. 

REVIEW OF THE MARKET.' 
Remarks. — Very great dullness has characteriz- 
ed thc market since our last report. In produce 
there is very little doing, but prices arc generally 
firm. The same may be said of Dry Goods, Hard- 
, Drugs, &c.,btit in some kinds of groceries 
sales have been inuking this week at lower rates. 
The river is low and falling, though there are re- 
cent indications of a rise. The weather has been 
dry and was yesterday so cold that fires were com- 
fortable. On account of the low water, freights 
have generally advanced. 

Bagging and Bale Rope. — The transactions for 
the week iu these articles have been very light, with 
little change in prices. We quote bagging 9i a 1 lc 
'h, and ) 1 n 12c. on time, and rope 3 a 4$c cash, 
in quality, and 4 a 5Jc. on time. This range in 
the prices of rope includes those for both tow ami 
hemp. A good article of the latter cannot be had 
n this market for loss than 44c. per lb. We note 
ales of 80 piece* at 10c.; 50 pieces at 104c.; und 
22 pieces at 94c. all cash, and 100 coils rope at 4c. 
cash. Arrived during the week 1,673 pieces end 
G9;  coils. Shipped ouly 175 pieces und 145 coils. 

Bxco.n. — There are very few changes to note in 
the bacon market since oiir last report. Thc arri- 
vals have been light, and we quote from wagons, 
hog round 5j a 54c., clear sides 64 a 6jc., hams 5 a 
6c.. shoulders 44 a 5c., and from stores 4 a 4c. 
above these rates. These are thc prices for guod 
(last fed are full 4 a lc. lower. Wc 
thus raise our figures for shoulder?*, which are in 
better demand. 

Cattle. — Cattle for butchers’ use continue to 
bring $3 50 a $1, as in quality. 

Beeswax. — Is in demand at 25c. 

Beans — Command $1 25 a$l 50 per bushel, as 
n quality. 

Buttf.il — Fresh table butter is plenty and brings 
n market 10 a 15c. per lb. 

Bark. — There is a demand for white a chestnut 
oak bark for our numerous tanneries at $1 50 per 
cord. 

Building Materials. — We quote building ma- 
terials as follows: lumber — pine, clear, per 
second rate. $17 50 a $20; third rate. $11 a 12 50; 
common $9 a $10; shingles, $2 a $2 50; poplar 
joists, studding*,  Scc.,9Uc. a $1 : Inne, 15 a 18c. per 
bushel; hair, 16 a 20c. per bushel; and brick $ 1 per 
M. t delivered. 

Cotton. — Thc transactions in this article have 
not been large, We quote North Alabama and 
Tennessee at 5 a 6c. and Mississippi G a 7c. Stock 
moderate. Aj-rivcd this week only 20 bales. 

— We quote sperm 30 a 33c.; mould, 
8c.; stearin*?, 10c.; star, (made in this city,) 20c per 
pound. 

Cordage. — We. quote Manilla 9$ a 10c.; sash 
cord, 15a20c.; bod cords with 9 strands 10c.; large 
rope, Kentucky hemp, 10 a 124c.; twine, balling, 
10c.; sacking twine, 25c. Our manufacturers 
determined that there shall no longer be any 
need of depending upon other markets, either oil 
account of quality or price. 

Cotton Yarns. — Wc noticed last woek that 
rna had advanced. That advance has not been 
sustained, and now sales are mostly made ot 6, 7 
id 8c. per dozen for thc different number*. 
Ciielsf.^ — The stock is very small, and a fair ar- 
ticle of Westefn Reserve commands 8c. per lb. 
CotTtE. — The sales of tliis article have been 
•ry light since our last report, a few bag's at a 
me. The stock is ample. W e reduce our figures 
little for Rio and quote it 74a7|e. at which rates 
ties have been made; Laguayra 9c.; Java 114 a 
13c. and St. Domfngo 6J a 7c. Arrived since our 
last 1 ,272 bags. 

Fruits. — The stock is light. Lemons we quote, 
r box, $3 50 a $4 00; Oranges, per box, $5; 

box, $2 85 a $3; Figs 13 a 15c.; dry 



Excfianoe. — E astern exchange we quote 1 per 
cent, premium at the banks, and 1 per cent, out of 
doors and abundant. Money is plenty and nearly 
, dl thc gool business paper offered at thc bunks is 
taken. Sight check? on New Orleans, par; time 
bills 1 per cent, and interest off. 

i rkioiits. — W e advance our figures and quota 
pound freight to New Orleans’ at 40c. per 100 lb*.— 
To Pittsburg 55c. per 100 lbs., and to St. Louis 25c. 

New York, May, 24, P. ti 
Spirit of this morning's Rc views .— Beeswax 29* 
30c., cash. Coff*e dull at former prices. Sales 
of Cottou for thc week 13,500 bales. No change 
in Dye woods. Sales of prime feathers at 29c. 
Little doing in Hemp. Sales of Rio Grando 
Mi les at 124c. 6 mos. City Linseed Oil sold at 75c. 
cash. Large sales of Rice for export, at $3 60 (id 
$1 00 K 100 - A cargo of Turk’s IsJafld Salt 

is supposed to have brought 23c. 4 mos. Sales of 
I imothy Seed at $9 (id 10 00 bbl-, aud American 
Flaxseed at $1 30 V bushel. .Sug.i r continues 
depressed. Sides Tallow at Tc. cash. 2J0 
bales Kentucky Tobacco, at 3 O 4c’. 4 m$s. 

To-day, the sales of Cotton reach 1200 bales; 
prices steady. 

Hour is very dull. Some Genesee Wheat has 
sold us high as 110c. V* bushel. Oats very scarce, 
and ar«- worth 34c. V bushel, quick. 

In Provision*, there w is a speculative purchaso 
of 2000 bbh. new Pork.h df prime and half mesa, 
at $10 and $13. There are buyers still at the same, 
and sellers of mess at $13 12. Ltrd is firm. 

Some 10,000 g tllon* Lard Oil have been sold at 
60c. for yellow and 67c. for bleached, for exporta- 
tion abroad and coastwise; 1,03J bbls. Whale Oil 
sold to day at 5 Sic . 

Sales o? 30,00tf HjsT mutton tallow at $6 94 
100 lbs., and 6,000 lbs. inferior at 4.|c.,all for homo 



Kaisius, per box, $2 bo a $3; rigs 13 a 1 
applet, $1 a$I 12; peaches $1 2U a $1 50. 

Feathers — Arc taken freely at 25c. per lb. and 
sales for cash have been made* from the stores ut 
e same rate for shipment. 

Flour. — The demand has been fair for domestic 
consumption, and prices arc $3 95 a $4 25 for 
common brands, by the dray load. Some fancy 
brands, particularly city mills extra from Missouri 
and Illinois wheat, are held at $4 25 a $4 50. — 
iiK* flour commands $3 25, and rye flour $3 50 
nd scarce. 

Furs and Skins. — Thc reason for these articles is 
about over. We continue to quote racoon, 35 a 
mink 25 a 35c.; wildcat 30c.; gray fox 25c.; 
muskrat 124c.; otte r $3; bear $2; deer, (fair aver- 
age lot,) 13 a 15c. per lb. 

Fisii. — W e quote mackerel No. 1 at$l‘4 50, No. 
$12 a $13, nfd No 3 $8 75 a $9; cod 4c. per lb.; 
lake fish $8; herrings 75c u $1. 

Flaxseed — Will now command $1 10, though 
ere is little coming iu. 

Grain. — We quote wheat at 70a 75c. as in qual- 
ity, which is a decline. It is, however, in jrood 
demand, und cash, is paid for all that arrives. Tli3 
receipts of Missouri and Illinois this week have 
been light. Corn is plenty at the river at 30 a 33c. 
per biiMiel, and oats at 23 a 25c. 

Ginseng — Is now worth only about 25c. 

Hems. — This article is in good demand for the 
etofies here at $60 a $65 per ton. For un extra 
bright and clean article, su« h ut* is \va tied for the 1 
Eastern markets, a somewhat higher price is pa’d, 
say $65 a $70, though very little has been slirqiori 
this week on account of low water and consequent 
high freight*. 

Lari*. — This article wc continue to quote from 
wagons at 7c., though the quantity ^arriving ia 
small. 

Molassec — We note sales of New Orleans mo- 
sses at 33c.; aud sugar-house * , 4lk’. 

Oils. — We quote Linseed a . 85 a 90c.; Lard 60 a 
*c. ; Sperm $1 a 1 25; Cas'.or 75 a $1 per gallon; 
miners’ $18 a 24 per bbl. 

Fork. — This article is yet held at $13 am) $] I for 
ess and prime. Wq note a sab- of 30hblv prime 
at$) 1. f 

r.\Tors — Arc in rather hett**r requV st, and wc 
*ales from wugouK at 33 a 4)c. per bushel, and 
bbl*. at 7 5«\ H $ 1 , us in quality. 

Rice. — T his article we continue to quote at la 
44c. per lb. Sab* of 10 tierce* at l\v. 

Silk. — There is a constant demand at the silk 
manufactory Ucre for cocoons und reeled silk, tlv 
former beKg now w*rlh$‘J per bushel and »h*- lat- 
ter $5 pet pound. 

Sugar— The transactions in this article since or.r 
last hsve been very small at 6i n 64?. for extreme 
qualities. Gool sugars are. selling lor 6Jc. by tin: 
hh !. The auction s de of 350 bins. sug.«r, adver- 
tised thi* week by W. C. Follows Co., went 
off rath r languidly. About 70 hh ' * . wore sol 1 at 
from 6 to Gje. the remainder was withdrawn. The 
stock i  abovn 2,500 hhds. Wcqnote loaf 124 a 13c. 
arvt white Havana 11 a 12c. per fb 

^ alt. — -W e quote Kanawha at He. p**r bushel 



Cincinnati, May 30. 

A sale of 150 hbls. Flour a! the City Mills at 
$3 60, and another sale of 100 bbls. different brand 
at $3 69, delivered. Sales from stores, at $3 70 
(a) $3 75. 

Sales of Whiskey, at the River, at 18$ O 184c. 

St. Louis, M*y 27, P. M. 

Prices generally femain unchanged, but business 
is rather staguant. 

Hemp. — But limited receipts since Thursday. 
Thc highest price that his been paid for lota of 
prime, is $71 (a) 72; fiir, from $67 (3  70; and lots 
in unshipping order, (rom $65 Q 66. About 1100 
bales have been received since Thursday last. 

Lead. — Sales at 2 95 P* 100 lbs. 

Flour.— Country sells at $3 62  9 3 75. City 
Mill, $4 00 4 124. 

Wheat. — Superior has been sold at 71 ® 72c., 
prime 68 lib 70c. 

Oat*. — Wc quote 21 (a) 22c. 

Cor «. — About 690 sacks were sold at 29c , sacks 
included. 

Pork. — No sales; pricer, mesa $12 Q 13, prirao 
$10 (id 11. v 

Bacon. — Wc quote hams at 6 (2 7c., shoulders 
5c. lb. 

HiaKLv.— RcctiOcd 19$c. Other brands 20 (2 

21c. 

Sugar. — Thc transactions arc small, say 54  a  
Gjc. 

Coffee. — Wc continue our former prices, 74 
(2) 8*c. 

Molasses — 31 (2 32c. from stores. — St. Louis 
Reporter. 

New Ora.tANs, May 23. 

There was a fair demand for Cotton again yester- 
day, sales amounted to 3,590 bales. Prices were 
thc same as thc day previous, and still iudine in 
favor of buyer*. 

There is nothing doing worthy of particular 
notice, either in Western produce or sugar. Tho 
market remains very dull, and the sales small. 

Exchange remaiusas last quoted. — A'. O. J J ic. 



(£/~W.ni. C. Bell \s thc General Agent 
for this paper. 



1^021 SALIL — A first rate Two Horse Ba- 
JL rouche, at N. Cropper’s Coach Ware-house, 
r or terms, apply at this office, No. 6, N. Mill-sU 
Lexington, Ky. June 3, 1845. tf. 



J OI5 I* 1C I ^"1’ I. — Every description of 
Plain and Fancy Jos Printing neatly and 
pcJiliously done at tliis office, on very reusoua- 
c terms. An extensive amt fashionable as- 
sortment of Types, and other materials of thc ino3t 
xccllcnt kind, will be U3cd. Prices uniform and 
moderate. A share of patronage is solicited. 

jmie 3, 1845. — 1— tf 

L I . CHILDS, F urniture, Chair* Tone* 
• lian BImvJ and Mattress Manufacturer, 
cornel of Water and Mill-streets, opposite the 
Rail Road Depot, bus on hand, and manufactures 
to order, every article in his line, on as good, or 
better terms thuu any other establishment in tho 
city. Juno 3, 1845. tf. 



B ook and pamphlet work 

executed neatly and elegantly, at the short - 
i-st noficc, and upon terms the most liberal, at tho 
‘True American” Office, Mo. 6. Mill-street. 
Lexington, junc 3, 1845. — 1— if 



HEAT LITERARY ENTERPRISE ! — 

IT Books by Mail — The “\V aldie” system re- 
ived by tho original euitor — The cash system re- 
duced to its utmost limit by a reduction of ono 
half. — The Weekly Volume, a select Circulating 
Library for town and country. 

On tin* first Wednesday of January, 1845, will 
be published simultaneously at Philadelphia and 
Louisville, thc first number of Smith's Weekly V T ol- 
umc, a Select Circulating Library for town and 
country, on th$ plan of Waldie’s, at a greatly re- 
duced price, cf a large size and new type. Con- 
ducted by the original, and for the iirst seven 
years, thc sole editor of Wuldie’a Library, anJ to 
be published by his son. 

Since thc discontinuance of “W’aldie,” occasion- 
ed by the derangement of the currency, and since 
thcaoathol Mr. Waldie, in 1849, the' editor hns 
been constantly reminded by numerous old sub- 
scribers and friends, thtU the plan of publishing 
books cheaply, in a form to go by mail, so long 
popular, a plan which has aflbrJed an immense 
class of educated individuals a mental resource 
adapted to their tastes, was still a great uasupplied 
public want 

The press hns run riot so long, and the public 
eye has been stimulated so constantly, that sjmo 
additional inducements to retrace must be offered, 
some economy studied, to enable us to pour the 
stream of knowledge into the little channels which 
load to every iiresiue, and by insinuating a ta?tr 
for the excellent and the true, to impart a new 
charm and a new attraction to that congregation 
of secure and blcsscl ci^joymcnls which we call 
Home. 

Those inducements wc now offur, by reducing 
the cost to one half the original sum — a better ar- 
rangement for the early reception of new books 
from Europe — a cash capital to ensure the contin- 
uance of the war'.;, an excellent printer, and n. 
publisher to devote his undivided attention to lh  
demands of rutxcribcrs. 

or a ce r .i aday, postage included, we supply at 
least a duodecimo bock every week to a wbolo 
family. We can put books in circulation through 
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dex. LLOYD r :*.MITH, mi blither, 

I’hll.vMl-i,,:. 



16 






ht till* 



I'ro-M lh Mti.iwr v Suturiwy \ irit.-r. 

THE DHfTlsn WEST INDIES: 

REVIEW OF * ; A NARAT1VE OF A VISIT TO 
THE WEST INDIES,** BY A VIRGINIAN. 



This little work, has been guested v.-ith 
u hearty welcome by that large circle in 
oiir country which lee! s a deep iutero.it in 
the result of “the great experiment’* that 
has, for some years pa;t, been going on in 
the British \Vesr Indies. Ail event so 
momentous a* the transition of 800,000 
human beings froirua state of bondage to 
the enjoyment of personal freedom an 1 
civil right j, totiM not tali 
immediate vicinity of our 
out exciting in American hojomo, the I : v 
liest emotion!. By om? the mtaasurc h 
boon regard ,*d a* a dangerous experiment, 
calculated to proJu.e anarchy and ruin in 
the British colonies, mid to ex it'* in the 
colored population of our own country, 

UopOb that cannot be realize 1. By anoth- 
er tdas* it ha» been bailed as a glorious 
* event — an act of national juwti *e not ex- 
torted by force, but springing from the 
dictates of philanthropy. 

The motive) in which this measure orig- 
inated nr.* of 1- •   iiiiportmiee tons than tlu 
consequences likely to emuc Irom it. — 

There is. Jiowvver * uo reason to suppo; j ^ 1 .* ^ 1 '""J 1 
that the British Parliament, in passing the 1 
net of emancipation, had any other object 
than to satisfy the demands of 
sentiment, wliicji 1ml for many 
d to this point, and which 
) urgent that they could 
ited. The compensation 
Shielding, awarded to th»* 



lli former yuaw. 

(j oil lit b»* cirClllutrd in utb-r countries, ns an evi- 
dence of the consequences resulting from frceihwi; 
Imt even those who were formerly the advocates 
ot slavery in ltarbadoca will not now admit it.” 
The following remarks are made in re- 
lation to Trinidad: 

“ Many of the cam* pieces in this settlement 
have been planted for twenty, thirty, and even 
forty years. Whcu we take into consideration 
that’ tli planters of Tcriola. St. KitH, Antigua 
nnd Borbndoes have to roplant almost every year, 
u*e can comprehend how much the planters ot 
Trinidad have the advantage over their neighbors, 
auJ the reason why they are enabled to pay their 
laborers such high wages. 

•• Fifty cents is given, »n most plantations, tor 
place ill the the task,— two tasks can be accomplished with 
wintry. With- j 1 -w. n - U.-.lhe... *»me rations of 

meat and tish are occasionally given, and to the 
| disadvantage of both planter nhd laborer, two bot- 
| tbs of ruin per week. Their cottage grounds ore 
also furnished Tent free, with the usual privileges 
of raising poultry, &c. No agricultural laborers 
ar  better paid in »n_\ country, the immense yield 
of their soil enabling th m to continue if. The 
| practice of giving rum ns a part of the wages, has 



cut info i 



I shall ffiv. 



? consequen- 
ure able to 
y generally 

■ uuder tit is 



all parti** 



ces, hut from 
state that this practice 
aboli ■‘lied. ** 

The la u quota tioi 
head relate* to Jam 
•* The information w 

is verv encouraging, so lar as relates to the ad- 
vantages of free and requited labor over unpaid 
omits furnished us, we should 
pation is now working as well 
InnJ as upon the others to windward. 
.Many of the difficulties which produced irritation 
both in planter uml laborer, have been adjusted, 
and we cannot Imt hope that in process of time all 
that has engendered strife and contention will be 
removed.”— p. 119. 

The remark in thi:i paragraph relates to 
difficulties that occurred in Jamaica soon 
... , i after emancipation, owing to the omnnei- 

*'i ’ “ L ,n . 1 " l 11 j pnted laborers being unwilling* to accept 

; d,,u, f ' ;s n 'ST ; the very low wage , otKcred hv the planters. 



in Yio 
public 

years been direc 

at last became 
no longer be 
of Iwuniy milliu 
planter*, was j 
West India inte 

portion of it went into the pockets of B 
isii noblemen and mcrcIiauUi who have es- 
tates in tho islands. 

As an evidence that the British govern 
meat ho s adopted, in good faith, the prin- 
ciple of einancipat 

bearing » noon  Mv r governments, we may 
refer lo several suh^queut acts by whi-h 
slavery has been abolished in the East In- 
dies and all the depend *nries of the British 
crown. This course has been dictated by 
nn enlightened policy, having for its object 
the promotion of individual interest and 
national prosperity. It is ulso an evidence 
that the spirit of the age — the spirit of lib- 
erty and universal inquiry — i.* beginning 
to exercise a salutary influonee Upon the 
policy of nations. And may we not hope 
that it will in the end expunge from the 
statute-books of Europe and America every 
vestige of those oppressive laws by which 
man has been condemned to ignorance and 
degradation ? 

The. work before us Supplies important 
materials Tor reflation, and it lias the ad- 
ditional merit of being written in a pleas- 
ing and easy style that combines entertain- 
ment with instruction. The object of the 
narrators in visiting those islands, is thus 
stated in the preface: 

“It may be proper to remark that this 
visit was altogether of a religious charac- 
ter, and was not undertaken with any view 
to elicit in ton nation ns to the results of 
emancipation in the British Islands. 

“Agreeably to the order of the Society 
of Friends, of which we are members, our 
concern to visit these islands was Opened 
before the meetings to which we belong, 
and having the approbation and unity 
thereof, we obtained the necessary certifi- 
cates to appoint meetings with the people 
where our lot should be cast. In pursuing 
this prospect, opportunities frequently re- 
curred among various classes of societies 
with whom we mingled, in which we were 
witnesses of the effects produced upon both 
the emancipated laborers and their former 
masters.” 

The first island at which our travellers 
touched, was Santa Cruz; but not being 
permitted by the Danish authorities, to 
hold religion ; meetings among the people, 
their slay was short. In the British Is- 
lands their religious services were in gen- 
eral kindly received, especially by the 
colored population, who flocked to their 
meetings in great numbers, and manifested 
much sobriety and decorum in tlicir de- 
portment. Many observations on the con- 
dition of the emancipated laborers, arc 
scattered through the pages of this inter- 
esting narrative, a few of which wc will 
present to the reader, with a hope that 
they may induce a perusal of the work 
itself. 

In order to give a dear view of the facts 
presented, we will endeavor to group them 
under appropriate heads. 

The following quotations will show the 
e fleets of free labor in the British Islands: 



by the pit 

These differences are believed to have been 
increased by the embittered feelings en- 
gendered during the apprenticeship. 

The slaves in Jamaica having been 
Worse treated and kept in greater igno- 



thout rcgaii to itaj rfmce t ] ian j n son ,,» G f the other Islands, it 
was thought best to prepare them for free- 
dom by an apprenticeship of six years. 
The power of punishment was taken from 
the hands of t lie master and placed in 
those of the magistrate, but they were still 
required to work without wages. Having 
been told they were no longer slaves, they 
could not understand this new relation in 
which they had the name of freedom with- 
out enjoying the rewards of labor. The 
result was, that so much dissatisfaction pre- 
vailed between the planters and their ap- 
prentices, that it was found expedient to 
shorten the term of apprenticeship by two 
years, and give them the full enjoyment of 
liberty. 

It appears that the dissatisfaction that 
prevailed, is now wearing away — the 
planters have discovered, that a just and 
humane policy promotes the interest and 
happiness of all parties; and the laborers, 
stimulated by the hope of reward, perform 
their labors cheerfully, and enjoy in their 
families, the sweets of domestic security. 

The facts here presented furnish an in- 
structive lesson in political economy. — 
They show that, by elevating the condition 
of the lower classes in the community, the 
highest interests of the whole are promo- 
I ted — they prove that free-labor is cheaper, 
less vexatious, and in every respect su- 
perior to the labor ot slaves — and they il- 
lustrate the axiom that, by the liberation 
of the slaves in a community, ice add their 
value to the soil . 

This consideration has received far less 
alien l ion than it deserves, and we will en- 
deavor to show the reason* by which it 
may be explained. In the first place we 
must observe that although the service of 
the slave appears, at first sight, to cost his 
master nothing but his food and clothing, 
it costs as much in reality, if not more, than 
the labor of a free man. If he has been 
purchased, the interest on his cost must be 
computed, and his wife and children must 
be supported, in order to supply his place 
when worn out or disabled. In his old age 
he must be maintained, in sickness he must 
be attended, and his lost time falls, not 
upon himself, but upon his master. 

In addition to this, the labor of a slave 
is upon an average, not worth more than 
half that of a free man, — he toils without 
spirit, and generally has no skill in man- 
agement, nor any inducement to economise 
his time. 

There is another important considera- 
tion which is generally lost sight of: The 

employment of slave labor, by requiring a 
greater outlay of capital, diminishes the 
value of land. ' Let us suppose that two 
neighl oring farmers commenced opera- 
tions at the same time, with an equal 
amount of capital. One of them lays out 
his money in land and employs irec labor; 
the other buys the same quantity of land 
and goes in debt for slaves to cultivate it. 
The latter, in addition to the waste and 
extravagance which always accompany 
slavery, has to pay the interest on the cost 
of his slaves. This sum the other farmer 
lays by, in order to purchase land; and if 
there are many like him in the community, 
real estate will be in demand, and will rise 
in value. 

This is found to be the case, when we 
compare the price of real estate in the free 
anil slave states. In the former it is high 
and in demand — in the latter it is declin- 
ing, and in some parts of Eastern Virginia, 
it is surprisingly low. This can be at- 
tributed to no other cause than the blight- 
ing influence of slavery. Labor having 
become disreputable in those counties 
where slaves were numerous, many of the 
most industrious whites, who were not 
slave-owners, have emigrated — thousands 
of the slaves have been sold to relieve their 
owners from embarrassment, and the coun- 
try is becoming depopulated! The last 
census shews a diminution of twenty-six 
thousand inhabitants during ten years in 
Eastern Virginia, while the Western part 
of the State, where there are few slaves, 
has been increasing in population, and ad- 
vancing in prosperity. 

This subject is illustrated still more 
strikingly, by contrasting the condition of 
some of the new states of this confederacy. 
For instance, Ohio and Kentucky, Michi- 
gan and Arkansas, Illinois and Mississippi. 

The free states have increased rapidly 
in wealth and population, and the value of 
their soil is much greater than that of the 
slave states, with all the estimated value of 
the slaves added to it. Let us compare Il- 
linois and Mississippi: 

“Each of these s’a'es received an acces- 
sion of its laboring population in the course 
ol three or four years prior to 11337, of 
about 100,000 souls, all devoted to agricul- 
ture. The hundred thousand people that 
removed from the old states of the north, 
mneipation | in order to till the virgin soil of Illinois, 
ccur: i ‘•ost for removal, not exceeding one hundred 
iderrd dollar.* each, on an average; and even this 
favor, was paid, not by Illinois, but out of (heir 
ii ros- 1 own former earnings. * 

S |h u ! now at Mississippi. Her hundred 

•omc of ihe planu-n* wvr»- iiol«o well witiyfied now thousand laborer were brought from the 
as when th**y held i heir fellow-men as property, ■ laveholdiug states, and probablv cost seven 
It IS difficult for them to submit patiently, and | hundred dollars apiece, or a total of seven 
ei * millions of dollars.” 

Now observe tliul for this ex|ienditure 
i » ; the* State ot Mississippi has nothing to show 
mi. but a laboring population of 100.000, 
whereas Illinois has the same number of 
l"! I better laborers for nothing. 

*.- r H these two states cultivated the same 
I.. |m«v|ii " lions nnd hud the same imtufnl ad* 



without destroying his value a; a slave, 
will debase aud crush him as u rational 
being — you may do this, aud the idea that 
he was born to be free will survive it all! 
It is allied to his hope of immortality; it is 
the ethereal part of his nature, which op- 
pression cannot reach; it is a torch lit up 
in his soul, by the hand of Diety, and never 
meant to be extinguished by the hand of 
man.” 

MORALS. 

The mo3t signal benefit conferred by the 
act of emancipation, is found in the eleva- 
tion of the morals of the people. To shew 
this I will quote a few paragraphs: 

There has been, wo wore credibly informed, a 
great advance in the moral conduct of the people 
(of Antigua] since emancipation. The testimony 
of the people is that immediate emancipation was 
?st and best measure the colony could have 
pursued to promote improvement. The goo I ef- 
fects of it arc now to be seen in the contented an I 
happy condition of the laborers. In a community 
where so many thousands were suddenly released 
from bondage, we might naturally expect to find 
some one who would abuse the liberty thus granted 
them; but the testimony of a competent judge 
would imply that but few instances have occurred. 
‘No where,’ says lie, ‘ore persons and property 
more secure than they are on this island — no pop- 
ulation of equal or even greater extent in the Brit- 
ish dominions, can be more easily governed. As 
regards the administration of the laws, there is a 
conscientious disposition manifested to do justly 
and to love mercy.’ Marriages ore now generally 
solemnized and encouraged. During slavery they 
were ui some cases not allowed. On this important 
subject greater reformation is needed.” 

From other passages scattered through- 
out this narrative, it appears that the moral 
condition of tjie colored people in all the 
Islands, has improved since emancipation, 
marriages are more numerous, and the 
nuptial tie is held more sacred, — crimes 
I* | have greatly diminished, education is ad- 
vancing, — houses for Divine worship are 
j I being erected in many places, and the peo- 
plc shew a areal eagerness to obtain relig- 
land, and properly furnished with apparatus j j nus instruction. • This will, I trust, be ae- 
ry out this benevolent design, ihe English j hnowledged by all io be the most pleasing 



vantages, is it not obvious that the one 
which employs free labor could afford to 
produce cheaper than the other, and that 
her soil would be proportionally more val- 
uable? 

In the West Indies it has been found 
since emancipation, that the value of real 
estate, in many place*. has increased suffi- 
ciently to pay for all the slaves liberated; 
or in other words, what was invested in the 
persons of the laborers, has been added to 
the value of the soil, and the 20 millions 
sterling received from the British- govern- 
ment, is all clear gain to the planters. 

Within n few years past, about 50 fami- j 
lies from the north have bought land and 
settled in Fairfax county, Yu., where they 
are improving the soil that had been ex- 
hausted by its former owners. 

Their influence is already perceptible in 
the value of property, and if they maintain 
their northern habits, and ked\) clear of 
bolding or hiring slaves, their example 
will be a great blessing to the community. 

EDUCATION. 

It appears thut even in the Danish i *- 
lands, where slavery still prevails, the 
colored population .enjoy some privileges 
which must have a salutary influence upon 
their moral improvement. 

“ It is highly gratifying,” observe our authors, 
“ to notice that undrMho despotic Daninh govern- 
ment, the condition oi the slaves is greatly in ad- 
vance of the slave population of oilier countries. 
On this island (Santa Cruz] they have opportuni- 
ties by the cultivation of the grounds allowed 
them, and the raising of swine unJ poultry, to nc- 
quir - and possess sums of monev ; and when they 
consider themselves prepared aud are desirous to 
obtain their liberty, they can demand an uppr; 



held out by tin* planter.*, and many wont 
from Baltimore and other pluces. The 
narrative alludes to some of these in the 
following language: 

‘At a neighboring estate called Woodfordale, 
ned by John Losh, we found several families 
from Baltimore, who wore well satisfied, and have 
ish to return to their native country 
American emigrants, in many instances, in 

advantog* to the estates whereon they are lo- 
cated. Their superior stead n incus of manner, so- 
•innity nnd general decorum, have had a very 
ilutary influence upon the lately emancipated la- 
orers. It was a satisfaction to find thorn, scatter- 
'd as they are in dillercnt sections where their in- 
dustrious, more cleanly, as well as religious habits 
are examples for imilfition. ” — Page 9*2. 

From this account it appears that, so far 
from desiring to expatriate their colored 
population, the authorities of Barbados:* 
wished to prevent their emigration, aud 



kept up on any of the Island*, having reference 
to the security of the laborers, Niuce emancipation. 
At Barbadoes and Jamaica troops are quartered; 
but on those Islands there are military and naval 
depots for operations con libeled with the geuoral 
government, and not particularly for internal colo- 
nial security. 

“ In Antigua opportunities for moral and intel- 
lectual culture had been afforded freely for sever- 
boen I ol years before emancipation, by several religious 
^ | 0 . sects. Schools are being established throughout 
r, so- “II lb** Islands; worship houses are being erected to 
verv accommodate the numbers that have attached 
j themselves to r-ligious congregations; beneficial 

I solemnized; the duties of husband aud wife nf pa- 
rents and children, ure being bettor understood; 
| nnd, in general, Ihe social condition is improving, 
and has up to the present period, vastly improved 
from its low stale found uuder slavery. ” 

These extracts furnish a inoit satisfacto- 
ry account of the effects of the West In- 
dia emancipation, and the success which 



the planters of Trinidad are anxious to re- |,„ s at o ided it furnishes a strikinp 
eeivfi thftni from \\ Ii5itnvr»r nnnrtor thov .i i ... .c .l. . i 



them from whatever quarter they 
may come. It must be obvious to every 
one who reflects upon the subject, that the 
profits of the planters and the value of 
their estates, depend upon the abundance 
and cheapness of labor — therefore the em- 
igration of the cnuuHpated blacks, would | Denmark are adopting measures to melio- 



vi- 

dence of the adaptation of the moral laws 
established by the Creator, to promote the 
happiness and safety of society. 

in completing litis subjoct, the question 
naturally arises: Why cannot we follow so 
bright an example? While France and 



by disinterested pi 
vices, to which the m« 
sell them accordingly 
so preparing lo introd' 
cation for the e'.ildre 
population. Stone h i 
itructi 
the 



  of the value of the 
iter is obliged to submit ai 
' “ The government is a 

ce a system of school ed 
of both the free and slave 
sea of ample dimensi 
being erected th rough o 



THE FREE LABOR SYSTEM. 

“In the inter iew we had with the Governor (of 
Ft. Christopher’s] he intynnr i us of the prosperous 
working of emancipation. He said Ihe proprietors 
of estates were now free from not only th - shackles 
of the slave system, but from the bondage of debt 
under which most of tli-m had been long laboring, 
and the declaration of freedom to the slave, was 
in truth a proclamation of liberty throughout the 
land to all the inhabitants thereof. — p. 4a. 

“In Tortola we were kindly received by the 
President, and ufter opening to him the object of 
our visit to these Islands, he raid he would gladly 
offer us any assistance jn his power, to aid us in our 
mission. The conversation we had with him chief- 
ly related tq the state of the bland and the numer- 
ous dependencies amounting to about fifty, over 
which ho preside?. Tin- • dependencies are Is- 
lands, or Keys, of various me*, but on the whole 
tho population dors not much exceed H.GffO. He 
gave us a \ery favorable account of the working 
of the free color syotetn, and stated many facts to 
show that it was a blessing to both the master and 
the slave. Hu said tho amount of crime wan not 
more than on'e-third as much as during the exis- 
tence cf f lavory, and that tho moral; of all class. s 
were on the advance; that mm.- who had now 
tried the system of free labor, would be willing to 
return to the former practice of slavery, and that 
many who had boon the most strenuous opposer* 
of emancipation, were now it* strongest friends.” 
-p. 30. 

In relation to Antigua they y: 

“The management of the emancipated laborers 
it well understood in this Island— Antigua aud 
Bermuda stand nobly os the pioneers of freedom. 
The apprenticeship system was carried out in the 
other islands during a portiou of the term, to the 
manifest 'disadvantage «-f both th - planter and the 
apprentice. On this island the difficulties were 
lessened by this noble and extraordinary measure, 
— thirty thousand bondmen were lib -rati-d in an 
hour, without reservation. One day they were 
tinder the control and will of a master. — the next 
found them as free as those to whom they were 
indebted for the boon. This great event took place 
without a single instance of tumult or disturbance. 
This was the testimony of every out- we convers' d 
with on the subject on lliis island. Tho planter 
nnd his laborer undrrrt-ind each other. The form- 
er manrf' situg a dispordtinii to do justice to the 
latter, finds no difficulty in obtaining laborers to 
task system is verv 



Mtithrotc tb* estates 
grrcrnlly adopted on Un- 
productive of good . Man 
accomplish two in the day, 
cent* for each task. This 



of the 



aud has beci 



with the privib 
the keeping of i 
eidered goo-J w 



of ho 



ntth- 



• and grounds rent free, 
if, poultry, &c., is con- 



Concerniog tho often 
m Barbadoes, tho following remarks 
“The working of the free system is 
favorable. Thu popular sentiment is 
and dissatisfied individuals are careful 
sson against it. Judging from some i 
occasionally board, we believed, hov 
: of the plant* 



likely to 
ch more valtiul 
averv. and tins 



each as tlv'se will be 
laborers. Property 
than during the time 
nc' will have a u 
the change. On the great subject of eunne 
th' pecuniary advantage that may accrue 
parties interested in holding ih. fr fellow* 
honing- mostly rlaims consideration, and 
go,. ! lh . I may devolve upon th- g,, ,i. r 



to ( 

will be taught 

“ Many proprietors appear ready to emancipate ' 
their slave-*. They believe advantages will result 
to all parties* by so doing; but they ask remunera- 
tion, r-f-riiug to the example of Great Britain to- 
wards her colonies. The Danish government is 
said to he too poor to promote this view, and there 
is little probability such a plan will be carried into 
effect. It i-s looking, however, towards emancipa- 
tion, nnd tho school sy stem, now under arrange- 
ment, is a pr-liminon step towards it. 

“The f different religions sects tolerated, \ iz — 
Moravians, Lutherans, Episcopalians and Catho- 
lics, will have the supervisory care of these schools, 
and in order to maintain harmonious action, sec- 
tarian books will not be allowed.” 

From information received since those 
travellers left the island, it appears that tho 
system of education has been put in opera- 
tion, and the planters are now required to 
send their young slaves to the schools pro- 
vided for them. “The children exhibit 
great aptness to learn, and the rising gen- 
eration wiH be well educated.” 

In the British islands the cause of edu- 
cation appears to bo rapidly advancing, and 
the emancipated laborers arc eager to par- 
take of its benefits. The following ex- 
tracts relate to this subject: 

“ After the meeting, we visited John Miller, the 
superintendent of the Mico schools [in Antigua.] 
He gave us some very interesting information, rel- 
ative to these establishments. A benevolent wo- 
man by the namo of Mico, about ‘200 years ago, 
left a large sum of money for the ransom of Alge- 
rine captives. The money not being used for that 
purpose, the interest has since been appropriated to 
the establishment of schools in several of the Brit- 
ish colonies. The number of children on the dif- 
ferent islands who are now receiving the benefit of 
this fund, is estimated at ten thousand. The in- 
terest annually disbursed is about seventy thousand 
dollar**, and this has been increased by additional 
funds from government. Fo fur as we could learn, 
these schools are conducted very much as the pub- 
lic schools in Philadelphia.” 

In their visits to some of the ojher is- 
lands, they speak of the benefits these 
schools are conferring upon the colored 
population, and their report corroborates 
the account given by J. J. Gurney, in his 
West India letters, published some years 
■ 

Tiie contrast between t he* policy above 
described, and that pursued by most of the 
States of this confederacy, either in regard 
to the free colored people, or the slaves, 
must he viewed by every reflecting mind, 
with peculiar interest. It opens a door to 
a state of improvement among us, which 
would benefit all classes. Education is uni- 
versally acknowledged among enlightened 
people, to be a blessing; it furnishes food 
lor the mind, without which its powers can- 
not be fully developed nor its liner enjoy 
ments perfected; and it is generally con- 
ceded that the success of a republican gov 
ernment must depend upon the virtue and 
intelligence of the people. Should not then 
tht^blesungs of education be extended to 
alfl 

LOVE OF LIBERTY. 

The following extracts show how deeply 
this passion is implanted in the nature of 
man: 

“ Th- Banish government keeps vessels of w 
constantly cruising in the neighborhood of the 
own possessions, to prevent the escape of slaves 
the British islands — which is frequently and, not- 
withstanding the vigilance exerted, often success- 
fully attempted. The distance between the Eng 
lish and Danish islands, being in some places lew 
than a mile, many of these poor creatures make 
desperate efforts by swimming nnd otherwise, U 
obtain their liberty by treading on the British soil. 

“Passing a plantation, [in Tortola] where 
number of laborers were working near the road 
side, the President of the Island remarked that he 
did not suppose the condition of that company 
could be much bettered by emancipation, as many 
of them were old and infirm aud had always been 
kindly provided for by their former master, but 
now were under the necessity of providing for 
themselves, and proposed we should query of them 
how they liked freedom. To this query an t»ged 
man replied, “O, very well, massa.” But, says 
the President, did not your former master give you 
plenty to cat and drink, and was he not always 
very kind |p you? What more do you got now? 
The same person again replied: “That is all 

true, our massa was kind enough to us, he always 
gave us plenty to cat, but then while we were in 
slavery we had to eat it with a sorry heart.” NVe 
thought this declaration of the old man, went to 
prove that liberty is dear to every man. aud when - 
ever there is a ray of intellectual light, a desire is 
felt to enjoy this free gift of heaven.” page 32. 

The rapturous delight with which the 
boon of freedom was received in the British 
islands, the gratitude evinced, and the pious 
thanksgivings offered up to the Author of 
all good, furnishes another illustration of 
the same truth. 

It must have been one of the most ox- 
hiliarating scenes ever witnessed, when, in 
the island of Antigua, seven eighths of the 
population passed at once from a state of 
bondage to the enjoyment of personal liber- 
ty ! Not an act of violence was committed, 
the remembrance of past wrongs Was swal- 
lowed up in the fullness of present jov, and 
after celebrating the jubilee, all returned 
to their employments, not to toil without 
hope, but with willing hands to labor for 
themselves and their families. 

The love of liberty is one of the noblest 
feedings of our nature and the most difficult 
to be overcome. It may appear in some 
cases to be extinguished, but unions the soul 
is completely debased and degraded, it will 
be kindled by the least gleam of hope, and 
blaze out in all its native lustre. This no- 
ble feeling cannot be better described than 
in the following beautiful passage, said to 
be extracted from a speech made in Assem- 
bly of Ya., by James McDowell, our pres- 
ent Governor: 

“Sir, you may place the slave where 
you please; you may dry up to your utmost 
the fountains of his feelings, the springs of 
his thought — you may close upon his mind 
every avenue to knowledge, and cloud it 
over with artificial night — you may yoke 
him to vour labor as an ox which liveth 
only to work. and worketh only to live; you 
may put him under any process, which. 



reduce tho value of tlicir estates, and if 
carried to a great extent would ruin them. 
The same reasoning holds true with regard 
to the States of Maryland and Virginia. — 
So far from making laws to drive out the 
laborers, of whatever class or color they 
may be, ourtrue policy would lx* to encour- 
age them to remain here, uml improve 
their condition, by extending to them the 
benefits of education. 

If it were not for the existence of slave- 
ry, the policy of these measures would 
soon be manifest; but the holders of sluv 



rate the condition of their slaves, anti en- 
lighten their minds preparatory to emanci- 
pation, are we to be left behind in this work 
of peace and love ? 

For the Christian philanthropist, this is 
a field of labor that has peculiar claims. — 
To plead the cause of a people who are for- 
bidden by our laws to plead for themselves 
— to stand forth ns the unflinching advo- 
cate of justice and mercy, and to overcome 
prejudice and passion by the weapons of 
Truth and Love. 

It is remarked, in the work before us, 



and important result that could arise from 
emauci pation. When we look upon man 
as a rational and spiritual being, endowed 
with high capacities to be improved, and 
destined to immortality, all considerations 
of a temporal nature sink into insignifi- 
cance. In order that the mind may expand 
and the moral faculties he brought into full 
action, there must be freedom of will, and 
independence of thought and expression. 
In a state of personal bondage, these arc 
restricted. The slave is taught, from his 
infancy, that he lives for his master, — li * 
is required to put on a servile behavior, — 
ho is forbidden the acquisition of knowl- 
edge, — he is obliged to submit to insult ami 
contumely, — he labors without the hope of 
reward, and even the bread he eats ami the 
raiment he wears, are received as a boon 
from the hand of his master. But sup- 
posing him to be well fed, comfortably 
clothed and not exposed to much physical 
suffering, is this a compensation for keep- 
ing his mind in darkness, exposing him to 
moral degradation, and reducing him to the 
condition of a chattel that may be bought 
and sold, or manacled and transported at 
the will of another? 

'Flic worst feature of the system of Slave- 
ry in this country, is the domestic slave 
trade, which is not less cruel and even more 
demoralizing than the foreign traffic by our 
laws condemned as piracy. There may 
not be much physical suffering in the do- 
mestic trade, but there must be a larger 
amount of mental agony when families are 
separated and the dearest ties of life are 
rent assunder! In this case too the injury 
is in dieted upon minds that arc raised above 
barbarism, having caught some of the rays 
of intelligence thut are flouting round them, 
and being probably more softened by the 
influences of Christianity. 

It is estimated that from ten to twenty 
thousand slaves have been carried from 
Virginia, besides a very large number from 
Maryland and Delaware, within the last 
twelve mouths. How painful to think of 
the many heart-rending scenes that must 
have occurred, — how many wives have 
been separated from their husbands, how- 
many children torn from their parents, — 
driven like cattle to the market, — impris- 
oned, — manacled, and transported from 
their native soil without even a pretence of 
crime! We have reason to believe that 
large numbers of them are carried to an 
unhealthy climate, and exposed to great 
hardships, which bring them to a prema- 
ture grave. Are not those who sell as well 
as those w ho buy, guilty of the blood of 
these people? The enormity of this traffic 
is forcibly exposed by a pasiagc which I 
shall quote from a speech of Th. Jefferson 
Randolph, delivered in the Legislature of 
Virginia: 

“ It is a practice and an incrrnsinp practice in 
parts of Virginia, to ruar slaves for market! — 
How* ran an honorable mind, a patriot, a lover of 
his country, bear to sen this ancient dominion con- 
verted into one grand menagerie where mf.n are 
to UF. REARED for the MARKET, like OXC11 for the 
shambles? Is it better, is it not worse than the 
foreign slave trade, that trsnle which enlist- 1 the 
labor of the good and the wise of every creed and 
every clime to abolish it? The trader receives his 
slave a stranger in language, aspect and manner, 
from the. merchant who has brought him from the* 
interior. 

“ The ties of father, mother, husband and child, 
have all been rent in twain: before he receives him 
his soul has i ecomo callous. But here, sir. indi- 
viduals whom the master has known from infancy, 
whom lie has seen sporting in the innocent gam- 
bols of childhood, who have been accustomed to 
look to him for protection, he tears from the 
mother’s arms, and sells into a strange country, 
among strange people, subject to cruel task-inas- 
ters. In my opinion, sir, it is much worse.” 

Notwithstanding this iniquitous traffic is 
going on in our midst, and sapping the 
foundations of morality among the people 
— how few there are that feel tho necessity 
and posse S3 the moral courage to raise a 
voice against it! Oppression far less 
grievous, when perpetrated in a foreign 
land, has induced the loudest expressions of 
sympathy. The w rong* of Greece, the 
sufferings of Poland, atul the oppression of 
Ireland, have called forth the indignant re- 
bukes of our orators; and even from the 
Southern States contributions have been 
sent fortli for suffering humanity in other 
climes; while here under our own eyes, a 
trade in blood is transacted, which, for un- 
mitigated cruelty, scarcely finds a parallel 
in the annals of mankind. 

EMIGRATION AND COLONIZATION. 

It is probable that some of our readers 
may desire to be informed whether the 
policy so long cherished in Virginia, of ex- 
pelling emancipated blacks from their na- 
tive country, has been adopted in the West 
Indies. The following extracts will an- 
swer this question. The first relates to 
Barbadoes, the most densely populated of 
all the Islands: 

“ Lund is h-Id at a high price; from seventy to 
two hundred and fifty pound* currency i* obtained 
per acre. As the whole of the island is under cul- 
tivation nnd rated at such high prices, the laborer 
with his small means is cut off’ from the opportu- 
nity of improving his condition; or as in Antigua, 
of forming indrp-ndent settlement*. Emigration 
is the only door left for him. nnd that has been at- 
temptnl to be closed. When the colonial enact- 
ments against it were presented for ratification at 
the home government, its concurrence was refu- 
sed. If liberty to emigrate had been taken from 
them, they must have remained in a state of op- 
pression hut little removed from that of slavery.” 
—Page 71. 

Trinidad is the opposite of Barbadoes, 
as respects population — a considerable part 
of the Island being still covered with for- 
ests and the numb©? of laborers scarcely 
sufficient for the land under cultivation, 
which is exceedingly fertile. A few years 
ago great inducements for the emigration 
of colored people from this country, wetv 



nppreli ml tlmt emancipated bla ks will | t hatl“we met with no planter willing to re- 

turn rgain to the hard bondage of a slave- 
holder. ” Thi * sentiment will doubtless be 
responded to by many in this country who 
stand in that unhappy relation. The bur- 



reuder their people dissatisfied, nnd that 
their labor, by coming into competition, 
will reduce the hire of slaves. 

If emancipation were to take place in 
this State, the expulsion of the colored pop- 
ulation would b-* the most ruinous policy 
that could be devised; for then* is no prol - 
ability of their places being supplied in 
some parts of the State, for a long time to 
ome, and during the interval capital with- 
out cultivators, and those mark) of desola- 
tion and decay already visible in some 
counties, would become still more conspic- 
uous. 

The de.nrc so generully manifested in 
the Southern States, to make colonization 
an indispensable requisite of emauci pation, 
is certainly founded in error, and has been 
the 



len of care that must be felt by slaveholder 
w ho are desirous to do their duty, is perhaps 
hard to be conceived by those who have 
never stood in that responsible statical. 

It is true the responsibility is self-impos- 
ed, and may at any time be thrown off with 
entire safety, by emancipation; hut there 
are long cherished prejudices to be remov- 
ed, mistaken views of interest to be over- 
come, and apprehensions of danger, w inch 
serve for excuses to put off’ for a more con- 
venient season, the work of justice and mer- 
cy. Knowing the weakness of human na- 
ture, and tho strong bias produced by edu- 
mean ?   t postponing th* groat work ( cation, I feel dt*po, *d to make allowance for 



which justice, humanity nnd sound policy 
require at our hands. The writer of this 
article was once a warm friend of coloni- 
zation, and still clings to the hope that the 
colony of Liberia will be a blessing to Af- 
rica; but that it can ever be the means of 
removing the colored race from among us, 
now* consider a visionary speculation. 

The society has been in operation about 
27 years, and during much of that time 
lias enjoyed the favor of some of our great- 
est statesmen, a* well as the co-operation 
of a large portion of tho clergy, and the 
sympathy and support of their congrega- 
tions, and what is the result? It has re- 
moved four or five thousand emigrants 
from our shores, w hile more than one mil- 
lion of slave ; have been added to our popu- 
lation. At the time of its organization the 
most sanguine expectations were indulged, 
and Henry Clay, in one of his speeches, en- 
deavored to shew how we might be reliev- 
ed of this population by removing the in- 
crea ■ to Africa. But even he has relin- 
quished all suen visionary hopes, if we 
may judge from a speech he delivered in 
the Senate in lB3fb He says, “the slaves 
are here, and no practical scheme for their 
removal or separation from us, has yet 
been devised or proposed, and the true in- 
quiry is what is best tol c done with them.” 
Again he says, “the slaves arc here, and 
here must remain in some condition; and I 
repeat, how arc they to be best governed ?” 

This is indeed tho question for us to con- 
sider, and it U certainly one of momentous 
importance ! Shall one sixth of the popu- 
lation of the I’nited States continue to be 
governed as though they were destitute of 
intelligence, or shall they be treated as 



suclt cases, but would, at the same time, 
earnestly recommend the consideration of 
this subject to every candid and reflecting 
mind. 

Some per inn ; appear to suppose that the 
whole responsibility of this evil rests upon 
slaveholders. 1 view the subject in a very 
different light. Slavery, like all other groat 
national evils, depends upon the sanction of 
public opinion; and every man who con- 
tributes to support a corrupt state of pub- 
lic sentiment, is so far responsible for the 
evils it promotes or sustains. It would be 
absurd to suppose that the three millions of 
slaves in the United States, could be kept in 
bondage by the comparatively small num- 
ber of persons w ho ow n them. They arc 
held by the authority of law, and with the 
sanction of public sentiment. Wc know 
that laws which have lost that sanction, are 
considered obsolete ; they are a dead letter 
and cannot be enforced. So long as slave- 
ry is sustained by law r and by public senti- 
ment, the whole physical force of the na- 
tion is pledged for its support. We see 
then, thut uot only those individuals w ho 
hold slaves, but the whole nation is respon- 

We arc admonished by the voice of his- 
tory that national crimes are always pun- 
ished : sometimes by the direct intervention 
of providence, but more frequently by the 
operation of those moral laws which the 
Deity has established for our government. 
A long continued system of oppression and 
injustice, weakens in the public mind that 
reverence for law and respect for the rights 
of others, which are essential for the pres- 
ervation of order. The conduct of this 
| nation towards the Indians and descendants 



rational beings? We surely cannot go on 0 f Africa, has been too often marked by a 
much longer shutting our oyos to the light disregard of the obligations of justice and 
of history and closing our cars to the iu- 
speaking voice of duly. While the despot- 
ic governments of Europe arc expunging 
slavery from their statute books, shall wc 
leave upon ours a scries of enactments 
against the colored race, calculated to dis- 
grace us in the eyes of the civilized world? 

The African race, in this country, are 
by far the weaker party in point of num- 
bers, A3 well as inferior in intellectual im- 
provement. They are, in general, a do- 
cile and harmless people; nnd in Baltimore 
and some other place 3, where a little en- 
couragement has been extended to them, 
they have shown a laudable spirit of im- 
provement, by efforts to. establish good 
schools for their children, to suppress in- 
temperance, and to support their own poor. 

They who would keep them down by sc 
vere and oppressive laws, uct upon the 
same principle as the Protestants of Great 
Britain towards the Catholics. Their rea- 
soning is precisely the same: They say 
the two classes are so inimical to each oth- 
er, that they never can agree, and the 
question is w hether wc shall govern them, 
or allow them to gain the ascendency and 
govern us ? We know by experience that 
this policy is unjust and unw ise, with re- 
gard to the Catholics, and the facts already 
cited shew it to be equally so with regard 
to cinanciptacd slaves: 

The w riters of the Narrativo under re- 
view have summed up the principal facts 
in relation to emancipation, in n series of 
questions and answers, from which we will 
make a few quotations: 



“ From the l o*t information wc wvre able to 
obtain from pliititcru and other*, wc feel no hesi- 
tation in saving that th- measures of freedom has 
been highly satisfactory and salutary. This was 
the general testimony on every island — wc met 
with no planter willing to return again to the 
hard servitude of a slaveholder. The declaration 
of freedom was considered a blessing to both the 
master and the slave. The testimony in St. Kitts 
went to prove that if they had carried out the ap- 
prenticeship system for the full term prescribed, 
it would have been the ruin of many planter* up- 
on the island. The general sentiment given to 
us was that the apprenticeship system was a fail- 
ure. Antigua and Bermuda proclaimed liberty 
unconditionally to all their slaves. The conse- 
quences resulting have been a marked and decided 
advantage to all parties in fho*«- Islands. 

“ It will he perceived by the narrative, that real 
estate ha* advanced considerably in value. In 
many places it is now worth as much as both land 
and slaves were during slavery. 

“ Wc understand from tho planters generally, 
that the expenses of cultivation were considerably 
diminished. There Were some exceptions, how- 
ever, to this statement. In Trinidad thowatc of 
wages was high, — the laborer being perhaps better 
paid on that island than in any other country. — 
Complaint was made by some of the planters, that 
Ihe expenses of cultivation were increased since 
emancipation. But this position (even with the 
high wages given) was doubted by others, as the 
amount of labor obtained in a given time was 
greater now than during slavery, and the eviden- 
ces of prosperity upon almost all tho worked es- 
tates were conclusive, that, with the high rate of 
wages given, no real pecuniary disadvantage had 
occurred to the proprietor*. 

“ No insubordination had occurred ru any of the 
_ islands, aud very satisfactory account* were , fur- 
1 nished of the deportment of tire laborers; a very 
general willingness to labor having been manifes- 
ted, for what they considered a reasonable com- 
pensation. From examination made of the prison 
records in nearly all the islands, and from testi- 
mony given by judges, magistrates, and others 
concerned, wo have the pleasing information to 
five, that crimes have greatly diminished since 
mancipation. 

“ No p»guHr standing army can be said fc be 



mercy. Our rulers nj | ear to consider 
these great principles as obsolete, and ex- 
pediency, has become the rule of their ac- 
tions. The consequence is that the mass 
of the people are becoming infected with 
the same pern iefous views, n disregard of 
law and order is spreading through the na- 
tion, ami we are beginiug to reap the bitter 
fruits of the seed wc have sown ! 

Is there not, in n any parts of our coun- 
try, n disposition manifested to set at 
nought the most salutary laws — to trample 
upon the principles of justice and mercy — 
and to resort to the ino*t violent and revo- 
lutionary measures in order to advuucc the 
interests of a party, or to seize upon the 
spoils of office! How frequent are the in- 
stances of lynch latr ! How dreadful the 
e fleets of mob violence! If those di ord- 
ers should continue to increase as they 
have done, will not anarchy ensue and 
crimes be multiplied, until the people, dis- 
gusted with the evils they have brought up- 
on themselves, will abandon the principle 
of self-government and take refuge under 
the shadow of despotism. 

Already we hear from both the North 
and the South the cry of “disunion,” and 
in both cases the root of dissection is found 
in the system of slavery. Nearly all the 
bickerings in Congress, the fluctuations in 
our national policy, and the consequent re- 
vulsions in commerce which have spread 
such ruin through the country, may bo 
traced to this cause. 

It was in order to perpetuate tlrie ruin- 
ous institution, that the treaty was negoti- 
ated for the annexation of Texas, by which 
a neighboring and friendly power was to 
have been divested of her territory, a large 
debt saddled upon our people, ami a foreign 
nation incorporated into the union, without 
the shadow of constitutional authority. 

Let us consider what i* the proper reme- 
dy for these increasing evils. Shall we go 
on heaping up fuet for the day of retribu- 
tion? Or shall wc return to the cardinal 
principle proclaimed by our fathers, that 
“life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, ” 
are the inalienable birthright of all T Not- 
withstanding the gloom t lint surrounds us, 
we are not without hope. Some gleams of 
light are breaking in to dispel the mists of 
prejudice; and the influence of public sen- 
timent throughout the civilized world, 
which is now brought to bear upon th’U- 
subjcct, cannot be disregarded. As a nation 
we make a higher profession of devotion 
to the cause of liberty than any other; and 
it is reasonable that the world should look 
for some proofs of sincerity in our conduct 
towards the laborers whose toils heap the 
board of luxury, and supply the means of 
education to the children of affluence, while 
they are themselves condemned to the 
hovels of poverty and shut out from the 
benefits of knowledge. 

It is not surprising that our professions 
are viewed with distrust, and that the 
American character is suffering in the esti- 
mation of mankind ! Let us then be arous- 
ed from our lethargy! It is unwise and 
unmanly to shut our eyes upon the dangers 
that surround us, or to shrink from the dis- 
cussion of a question so vitally important 
to ourselves and our posterity — a question 
that engages the attention of all Christen- 



dom, and must cventuull v be f»rt d vipnii 

us by tho rosistles* tide of public opinion. 

Perhaps it will be expected that after 
pointing out the evils of the system, I 
should suggest some specific measures for 
their removal. The first step should be 
the repeal of those laws which require 
emancipated slaves to leave the State. Such 
laws are unjust and oppressive, and are be- 
lieved by many to be unconstitutional, be- 
cause every man has a natural right of 
residence in tho laud of his birth. If we 
can expel him, other communities may re- 
fuse to receive him, and thut; he may be 
driven from the face of society without 
even the allegation of crime ! 

The laws which forbid the education of 
colored persons, are a disgrace to our stat- 
ute books, and should be repealed. Such 
laws show that we are behind the age. 

Tho domestic slave-trade should be pro- 
hibited. h is no less cruel than foreign 
traffic, and being perpetrated in our own 
country, is even more demoralizing. The 
next step should be the passage of a law 
that all l orii hereafter, shall be considered 
free. This plan has been successfully 
adopted in other States, and was a favorite 
measure with our revolutionary patriots. 

If it had been carried into effect soon after 
the adoption of the Constitution, wc might 
.low lie free from most of the evils of sla- 
very. 

W ith regard to the emancipation of the 
present generation of s.aves, the question 
of compensation presents the most serious 
difficulty ; but even this, it appears to me, 
might be settled, if it could be dispassion- 
ately considered, with a sincere desire tcf 
do the best in our power. Many years agd 
a proposition was made by Rufus King iri 
the Senate of the United Statej, td appro- 
priate the proceeds of the public lands td 
the extinguishment of slavery ; and altho* 
the movement was then denounced by South- 
ern politicians, as an indication of a dispo- 
ition to interfere with Southern rights, i 
believe many judicious men would now' 
view it in a very different light. During 
the memorable debate ou slavery in the 
Legislature of Virginia, in 1832, General 
Broadnax alluded to this proposition in the 
following language: 

“ Whatever political hcrcuic* Rufus King may 
have committed, I for one regard this us a redeem- 
ing act of his life. Should no other member do so, 
it is my intention, at a proper time, to offer resolu- 
tion* instructing our .Senators and requesting our 
Representatives in Congress, to propose the amend- 
ment to the Constitution, which may be necessary 
to authorize this disbursement of the federal 
fund*. ” 

In bringing forward this extract from 
the speech of Gen. Broadnax, it is proper 
to observe that his plan included not only 
the purchase of the slaves, but their remo- 
val to the coast of Africa, and even the for- 
cible expulsion of the free people of color, 
if they could not bo induced to go with their 
own consent. This expatriation of tho 
colored race would Ixj highly unjust and 
impolitic; it would be no less disgraceful 
than the banishment of the Huguenot from . 
France, the expulsion of the Jews from 
Spain, or the exile of the patriotic Poles. 
But the appropriation of the proceeds of 
the public lands, or at least that portion 
which belongs to Virginia, to the extinction 
of slavery, without coercive removal, is 
worthy of serious consideration. 

These propositions will probably lx* met 
by a host of objections, among which tho 
most prominent will he: — the “invasion of 
chartered rights” — the dread of “amalga- 
mation” and the “idleness aud insubordi- 
nation of emancipated blacks. ” Such ob- 
jection? may be answered in a very few 
word.?. 

First: No invasion of chartered rights 
is here proposed, for no man has a charter- 
ed right,, nor any other right to the services 
of human beings yet unborn. 

Second: The effect of the proposed mca- 
I surcs, would be tq render the marriage re- 
lation permanent among the colored people 
instead of leaving it subject to the will of 
the master, as now. 

This would elevate the condition of the 
colored female, check the licentiousness 
which now prevails, and almost put an end 
to that practical “amalgamation,” which 
is a lamentable furl in the history ol slavc- 
ry. 

Third: The apprehension of idleness 
and insubordination has been shown to be 
groundless, by reference to the effects ol 
emancipation already cited, and by the well 
known lact that the hope of reward is the 
best stimulant for industry, and the protec- 
tion of just and humane laws, the surest 
guarantee of subordination. 

The same kind of objection ha* always 
been urged against every measure for the 
relief of this much injured people. When 
Wilber force brought before the House of 
Commons his proposition to abolish the 
slave-trade, the West India interest was 
aroused, and the most disastrous consequen- 
ces predicted. It was said that the colo- 
nies would be ruined and tbeshipping inter- 
est greatly impaired, but the event shew - 
ed that such fears were entirely groundless. 

Again, when the act for general emanci- 
pation iir the West Indies, was proposed, 
the loudest complaints were made, and the 
most ruinous results predicted, but experi- 
ence has shown that tlx* measure was 
calculated to promote the interests of all 
parties. 

Let us then put our hands to this work in 
good earnest, placing our reliance upon tllfc 
protecting care of that Almighty Being 
who beholds with approbation every sin- 
cere effort to promote the happiness of his 
creatu res ! AVI RG 1 N 1 AN. 



Stead* Navy of France. — A correspon- 
dent ofthe New York T ribune, writing front 
Baris, gives a statement of the presnt 
strength of the Steam Navy of France. 

“In the present aspect of things it might 
be of interest to know that the Steam Navy 
of France is composed of four frigates, 20 
guns each, one of 540 and three of 450 
horse power; one sloop of 20 guiw  320 
horse power; seven sloops of 0 guns each, 
all of 220 horse power; twenty three sloops 
of G guns each, all of 100 horse power; 40 
vessels of from 30 to 120 horse power, each 
armed with from four to six small pieces; 
1 7 Transatlantic steamships; 13 of these 
vessels are of 450 hor.se power and can be 
armed as corvettes — 80 War steamers; 6 
steamers of 220 horse power, and 12 of 1 20* 
to 1G0 horse pwver are to be used in trans- 
porting the Mail to Algiers, «Yc. Total of 
vessels belonging to the State, and capable 
of being armed, 9T . The number of steam- 
ers employed in commerce in France is 
108. Total of allstcaufboats in F ranee 206.” 

Tiie Colored Population. — A special cen- 
sus of this class, recently ordered, shows the 
whole number in Cincinnati, to be 2,049. 
Number who belong to tem|x* ranee societies, 
is 509; to churches 1000; aud360 have been 
slaves, for whose redemption there was paid 
(chiefly by themselves) the surnof# 166,050. 
They hold property in the city, to the 
amount of 8 156.100. They have five 
churches, three literary societies, and three 
schools. 

Wc should like to sec a similar step ta- 
ken in this city. We feel confident that the 
result, all things considered, would be even 
more encouraging and creditable than that 
in Cincinnati, and this in spite of all the 
cruel and short-sighted black laws which 
disgrace the State’s statute books, as they 
would those of the city, if certain fidgety 
coimrilmen could have gotten their own 
r. — BaU. Sat. Vis. 



True American (Lexington, Ky. : 1845), 1845-06-03

4 pages, edition 01

 Persistent Link: https://kentuckynewspapers.org/catalog/xt71ns0kt09g
 Local Identifier: tru1845060301
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Location
  Published in Lexington, Kentucky by William L. Neale
   Fayette County (The Bluegrass Region)